The paranoia about the Belfast Agreement which is gripping a section of Orangeism at the present time is being fed by scare-mongering on the part of some who should know better. But southern nationalist and Roman Catholic people generally should understand that there are areas in the document which arouse genuine feelings of revulsion in many hearts, and no doubt those feelings are not confined to members of the pro-Union community.

Nobody seems to be entirely happy about every aspect of the agreement. Yet, taking it as much the lesser of two evils, many Orangemen are going to be in the Yes camp. For one thing, they have not failed to note how adroitly the positive elements in the deal are being handled by the No campaigners.

Take page one for a starter. For the first time in its history the Sinn Fein movement has signed up to "total and exclusively democratic means of resolving differences on political issues . . . and opposition to any use or threat of force . . . for any political purpose". What a pity this did not dawn on them 30-odd years ago. What a pity indeed that it did not dawn on their forerunners just after the Treaty. How many lives would have been saved and how much bitterness kept out of political life on this island.

Of course Orangemen, not unnaturally, are sceptical about the genuineness of Sinn Fein's conversion. We hope it is a bona-fide experience we are hearing about. Time will tell. But in the meantime we would be cutting off our own nose if we refused to trumpet abroad the seismic change for violent republicanism which such a public commitment represents.

Were it to be breached it would expose the utter evil which the people of Northern Ireland have been battling with for half a lifetime. Though we hope that our worst fears will be disappointed, and we certainly have no vested interest in the continuance of violence, if Sinn Fein fails the test its duplicity will never be forgiven.

Notwithstanding any reservations, and taking the declaration of support as it stands, there is absolutely nothing in it to cause the slightest heart-burning on the part of any Northern Orangeman. Quite the opposite.

Going on to page two, the same holds good. It deals with "Constitutional Issues". Here there is nothing to discommode any Orangeman. Even one of the MPs expressing dissent at the moment, Mr Jeffrey Donaldson, concedes as much. The principles of representative democracy are clearly and adequately recognised and safeguarded by the statements set out on page two. This is beyond reasonable dispute.

Nevertheless, a few hardy souls are actually attempting to find a flaw in the wording of subsection (vi) of section one. This makes it clear that both governments "recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may so choose . . ."

It is important to note the word "recognise". The agreement does not create the right or confer it, and no one is compelled under the agreement to be anything other than that which they freely choose for themselves. What possible objection can anyone have to that?

Most Northern Orangemen simply say "British" when asked their nationality. For others the option, in other circumstances, to avow themselves both British and Irish is not something they are ashamed of. Their Scots and Welsh fellow-citizens are in an exactly similar situation, as were all Irish unionists prior to the secession of the 26 counties from the United Kingdom in 1921.

THE proposed changes to the 1937 Constitution of the Republic should be clearly understood and warmly welcomed by every Orangemen, and were there no other argument to support this exhortation, the reaction of Republican Sinn Fein and others of the same kidney would be more than sufficient.

It is simply a falsehood to allege that the new wording makes us all citizens of the Republic. It does nothing of the kind. Undoubtedly it says that we are all entitled to be part of the Irish nation, whatever that means, but it does not and obviously cannot make a single Ulsterman into a citizen of the Republic, unless he so desires. And if he does so desire, no Orangeman will stand in his way.

Unquestionably, prisoner releases and all other contentious issues will have to be addressed. But the best place to face up to their implications will be in the democratically elected assembly at Stormont.

Here again, in spite of all their bluff and bluster, Sinn Fein have abandoned their age-old political theology. They are recognising Stormont and the Northern state, - the Orange statelet of their well-rehearsed gibes. They are going to be part of it at long last, and if Orangemen are afraid to meet with them there then they shall indeed have succumbed to defeatism.

No one in that assembly, Sinn Feiner or anyone else, will have more seats or more power than the electorate gives them. Democrats, Green or Orange, can find no fault with that.

The Rev Warren Porter was until recently Grand Chaplain for Ireland of the Orange Order and is a former Assistant Grand Master