TIMELINE: June 1977:Bertie Ahern, a 25- year-old accounts clerk at the Mater hospital in Dublin, stands for Fianna Fáil in the three-seat constituency of Dublin-Finglas.
A native of Drumcondra, he is from a republican family - his father Cornelius was a member of the IRA in west Cork during the War of Independence.
His involvement with Fianna Fáil until now has been as a volunteer, significantly as a member of the constituency reorganisation committee.
Added to the ticket by the national executive, the youthful candidate defies expectations by winning a seat on his first outing, as part of a Fianna Fáil landslide that sees Jack Lynch returning as taoiseach with a large majority.
1978/1979: Ahern, already a TD, is co-opted to Dublin
Corporation to replace Jim Tunney, who has relinquished his seat upon becoming a junior minister. Ahern subsequently wins a seat on the
corporation in his own right, in local and European elections that reverse the Fianna Fáil gains of 1977 and are considered symptomatic of Jack Lynch's diminishing authority as taoiseach.
In the leadership contest that follows Lynch's resignation in December 1979, he supports Charles Haughey over George Colley, who will later be his constituency colleague in Dublin Central. In late 1980, he is appointed as an assistant party whip.
Fianna Fáil chief whip
Seán Moore is ill for long periods and Ahern steps in to manage the role on a day-to-day basis, giving him inside knowledge on Dáil and party process and also allowing him to make contacts with all Fianna Fáil TDs.
1981/82: Charles Haughey calls a general election in May. The first true indication of Ahern's formidable constituency machine becomes evident when he tops the poll with 8,738 first preferences, ahead of George Colley.
Ahern tells a journalist he has personally written 300 letters on behalf of young constituents seeking jobs.
Fianna Fáil loses the election, but the Fine Gael-Labour coalition is short-lived.
Another election is held on February 18th, 1982, and Ahern tops the poll. Independent TD Tony Gregory, who will become a fiercely competitive constituency rival, is elected for the first time.
Ahern's position as government chief whip is formalised, though the second Haughey government is a short-lived one.
Séamus Brennan later recalls: "As chief whip, Bertie Ahern learned to come down the white line and take both sides of the street with him. I don't know how he got away with it."
Throughout the three heaves against Haughey, Ahern is identified as one of his closest supporters. However, he does not draw the same antagonism from the rival camp as do some others.
He has earned a reputation for being a relentlessly hard constituency worker.
He has already assembled a group of close-knit supporters including Tim Collins, Joe Burke, Des Richardson and Gerry Brennan.
1985:His "man in an anorak" image is coming to the fore. One description from 1985 says unkindly: "Bertie Ahern looks as though he has slept in for work and got dressed in a hurry . . . His tie is askew, his shirt collar well-fingered, his navy-blue pinstripe suit rumpled . . ."
Nevertheless, his star is in the ascendancy in Fianna Fáil.
1986:Ahern becomes lord mayor of Dublin, defeating Carmencita Hederman by 27 votes to 24. He moves into the Mansion House with his wife, Miriam, and his two daughters. He throws himself into the task in hand. His diary for the first fortnight lists 140 engagements. Joe Burke is the deputy mayor.
1987:Fianna Fáil is returned to power and
Ahern, boosted by his year as lord mayor, is promoted
to the Cabinet. He is appointed minister for labour and his
skill as a mediator and as a consensus-seeker comes into play - he
becomes known as Mr Fix-It. Asked once if Ahern was going to
intervene in a particular dispute, PJ Mara retorted: "Well, Bertie
will go out and have a few pints with the lads tonight and see what
can be done."
Those interpersonal skills will later play a part during
negotiations for three successive agreements with the social
partners and, arguably, during his decade-long involvement in peace
talks in Northern Ireland.
Later, he will say that he rates the Programme for National
Recovery his finest achievement with the exception of the Belfast
Agreement.
By the late 1980sAhern is seen as Charles Haughey's protege. As chief whip and national treasurer he has been co-signatory of the party leader's bank account and his name remains as a co-signatory until 1992. It later emerges that blank cheques signed by Ahern ended up in Haughey's personal accounts, while others were used to buy Charvet shirts and pay for meals at Le Coq Hardi.
Ahern told the Moriarty tribunal it was his habit to sign blank
cheques which were later filled out by Haughey. When the taoiseach
calls a snap election in 1989, he turns, in part, to Ahern's
political skills
during negotiations with the PDs. Ahern organises a mid-term
renewal of the coalition deal with the PDs, following a number of
difficulties and tensions, including Brian Lenihan's resignation
during the 1990
presidential campaign.
At the conclusion of these negotiations Haughey famously
remarks: "He's the best, the most skilful,
the most devious and the most cunning of them all."
In 1988St Luke's is acquired on behalf of Ahern and Fianna Fáil. The building, bought for £71,000, will become central to inquiries into Ahern's finances. It later emerges that he lived in an apartment in the building when first separated from his wife.
He becomes involved in a relationship with Celia Larkin, a
Fianna Fáil activist who will tell the Mahon tribunal that she
was his "life partner". Ahern will later tell the tribunal he had
no bank account between 1987, when he separated from his wife,
until their separation litigation concluded before he became
leader of Fianna Fáil. During that time, he says, he
saved some £50,000 from his salary.
In 1991, he becomes, at 39, the minister for
finance after Albert Reynolds is dropped from the cabinet.
Charles Haughey resigns as Fianna Fáil leader and
taoiseach on February 7th, 1992. Ahern considers standing but
decides not to run against Reynolds.
His marital status is identified as an issue - Michael Smith, a Reynolds supporter, is quoted as saying: "People do like to know where the taoiseach of the day is living."
1992:Reappointed as minister for finance by Albert
Reynolds, Bertie Ahern faces into a difficult period, culminating
in the currency crash of Black Wednesday in September 1992.
Meanwhile, the unfolding
events of the beef tribunal are leading to huge strains in
the relationship between Reynolds and PD leader Des O'Malley.
They lead to the collapse of the government and a new election
in November 1992. Against huge gains by Dick Spring's Labour, Ahern
changes his attitude from one of antagonism to the party to being
supportive of a coalition with a re-energised party that has
won 33 seats under Spring.
The coalition eventually crumbles from the fall-out that follows
the appointment of attorney general Harry Whelehan as president of
the High Court. Spring's key adviser Fergus Finlay later recalls:
"If Ahern had replaced Reynolds as leader after the 1992 election,
it is probable that the government
would have run its full term."
1994:Ahern becomes Fianna Fáil's youngest leader, at 43, when he is chosen unanimously on November 19th, 1994.
His only remaining rival Máire Geoghegan Quinn withdraws on the day of the contest, in the interests of unity. He is the first Fianna Fáil leader to be separated. He expects to become taoiseach but Spring opts to support the nomination of John Bruton for taoiseach. Ahern appoints Ray MacSharry to chair a committee that will oversee candidate selection and party reorganisation.
However, Fianna Fáil is rocked by new revelations that emerge that supermarket tycoon Ben Dunne had made a payment of more than £1 million to Charles Haughey.
1997:The final Fianna Fáil Ardfheis before
the 1997 elections is held in April, only a week before the
McCracken tribunal hears Ben Dunne give evidence of giving huge
sums to Haughey. In his presidential
address, Ahern distances himself from his mentor: "We will
not tolerate any deviation from the benchmarks of honour, at local
level or in Leinster House, be it in the past, present or future.
No one is welcome in this party if they betray public trust."
Fianna Fáil carry the election, returning to power with the
help of the PDs and Independent TDs.
He is elected Taoiseach on June 26th. He chooses Charlie
McCreevy as finance minister. However, his choice for foreign
affairs, Ray Burke, is more controversial. Burke resigns both his
ministry and Dáil seat on October 7th, 1997, over allegations
that he received two payments of £30,000 from developers.
Ahern attacks the Opposition in the Dáil, chiding it for
the "persistent hounding of an honourable man, on the basis of
innuendo and unproven allegations". Another example of Ahern's
reputed "cunning"
emerges later that year when he secretly backs the nomination
of Mary McAleese as Fianna Fáil
candidate for president, while publicly purporting to support
Reynolds's nomination.
1998:The Belfast Agreement, signed on April 10th,
is considered by Ahern to be one of his finest moments. The
marathon and dramatic negotiations culminated in an agreement that
prompted British
prime minister Tony Blair to say he could "feel the hand of
history on my shoulder".
Mr Ahern's mother, Julie Ahern, died on the Monday during the negotiations. Of Blair, with whom he forged a close political alliance, he would later say: "As Irish leader, as Irish Taoiseach, I say that Tony Blair is a great person whom we deeply appreciate."
2002:Fianna Fáil and the Progressive
Democrats are easily returned to government by the electorate. The
previous five-year term had seen unprecedented growth. The evidence
in relation to planning
corruption and that pertaining to Mr Haughey's finances did
not seem to affect the standing of
Fianna Fáil in opinion polls, or Mr Ahern's personal
popularity with voters.
In the course of the controversy that led to the resignation of Supreme Court judge, Mr Justice Hugh O'Flaherty and Judge Cyril Kelly of the Circuit Court, it emerged that Mr Ahern had made representations on behalf of Philip Sheedy, the prisoner at the centre of the crisis.
2000:Charlie McCreevy announced he had appointed Hugh O'Flaherty to a vice-presidency of the European Investment Bank. After sustained criticism, Mr O'Flaherty withdrew his nomination.
Several months after being returned in 2002, a Freedom of Information request disclosed that the Government had not fully revealed the extent to which the economy had contracted in the run-up to that year's elections. It led to accusations that it had pulled the wool over the eyes of voters.
2004:Fianna Fáil performs poorly in the local
and European elections. In its second term, the
government is faced with a number of controversies, including
electronic voting and Charlie McCreevy's ambitious plan to
decentralise 10,000 jobs.
During the summer, it is announced that McCreevy will succeed
David Byrne as Ireland's commissioner. McCreevy is reportedly
reluctant to step down. At Fianna Fáil's "think-in" in
September, Ahern unveils what becomes known as the Inchydoney
strategy, moving the party more to the left and
distancing itself from perceptions of the government being
"right-wing".
Brian Cowen becomes minister for finance in the biggest
reshuffle during Ahern's period as Taoiseach. Ahern also oversees a
very successful EU presidency, culminating with agreement on a
constitutional
treaty and the accession of 10 new member states.
2006:In September, The Irish Timesreveals that personal payments were made to Ahern in the early 1990s. In a subsequent interview with RTÉ, Ahern discloses for the first time the "dig-out" payments and the £8,000 sterling he received from businessmen in Manchester.
In the next 18 months, new disclosures are made in relation to Ahern's personal finances, including three appearances at the Mahon tribunal.
2007:In a surprise move on the last Sunday
in April, Ahern goes in the early morning to Áras an
Uachtaráin to dissolve the government and announce an
election. The early part of the campaign is dominated by his
personal finances.
However, in the final week of the campaign momentum shifts
towards the government. Ahern addresses the joint Houses of
Parliament at Westminster during the campaign and is also boosted
by a permanent
agreement in the North. He is perceived to win the televised
debate with Enda Kenny on RTÉ and the last
Irish TimesTNS/ mrbi opinion poll before the election
shows that support for Fianna Fáil has dramatically
increased.
The Fianna Fáil team, led by Cowen, negotiates a historic
coalition with the PDs and the Green Party.
Cowen becomes Tánaiste and Ahern anoints him as his
successor in an interview with Seán O'Rourke.
