The birth of the new political set-up in Northern Ireland contained irresistible echoes of the growing pains of democracy south of the Border. The debate over the reinstatement of Seamus Mallon as Deputy First Minister was oddly reminiscent of the controversy over de Valera and the Oath.
Everyone knew Dev was, in reality, taking an oath of fidelity to the crown, but his accompanying casuistry and Jesuitical rationalisations were tolerable for the sake of society as a whole. It was neither sustainable nor wise to have such a large proportion of the political class and the people they represented remaining out in the cold.
There is little doubt, in terms of common sense, that Mr Mallon quit his job as Deputy First Minister-designate last July. He said at the time he was offering to resign "with immediate effect". But as the Initial Presiding Officer, Lord Alderdice, pointed out yesterday: "It is a question of law, not of common sense."
By all accounts a great deal of work went into the preparation of the standing order presented by the Northern Ireland Secretary just an hour before the Assembly convened in the afternoon. Carefully worked-out choreography is the hallmark of this process.
Nevertheless, there must have been a fair amount of nail-biting at official and governmental level as the new rules were presented to the Assembly by Lord Alderdice. As so often, uncertainty reigned.
The prospect of the Rev Ian Paisley or Mr Robert McCartney rushing off to get a judge to press the pause-button on the well-planned sequence of events seemed a very real one.
There was the usual procedural wrangle that accompanies almost every step forward in Northern Ireland. The mild-mannered Secretary of State was accused of a "dictatorial act" and even compared to Mussolini. Mr Norman Boyd of the Northern Ireland Unionist Party described it as "the death of democracy".
While peace process insiders were reasonably confident over the weekend that the move would succeed, there must nevertheless have been a large sigh of relief when Mr McCartney indicated in a UTV interview that he was not considering court action because it would be a case of locking the stable door after the horse had bolted. Later, however, Dr Paisley revealed he would be seeking legal advice.
It was not a pretty sight, but in the end the pro-agreement parties held their noses and voted the Alliance Party motion through. Resignation, what resignation?
The real problem, of course, was not the re-election of Mr Mallon, who might well have secured a majority of both nationalists and unionists. The difficulty was that Mr Trimble would also have had to submit himself to this parallel consent rule, which applies to the election of First and Deputy First Ministers. We could have ended up with Mr Mallon back in his old job and Mr Trimble out in the cold.
There were echoes, too, of the election of Senator George Mitchell as chair of the multiparty talks in 1996. Then, as now, the ball was heaved over the line by the sheer weight of the pack on the pro-agreement side.
Hopefully, like the freezing-out of the media during the Mitchell review, it will not set a precedent for the conduct of affairs in post-Good Friday Northern Ireland. More democracy, not less, is what we need.
The success of the Mallon resignation manoeuvre had been quietly signalled in advance, but the plan to have greatness thrust upon Mr Sam Foster, one of two UUP Assembly members for Fermanagh-South Tyrone, was kept a closely-guarded secret.
Sources report that Belfast voted overwhelmingly against Mr Trimble at the Ulster Unionist Council last weekend, but it appears he scored well west of the Bann, and Mr Foster's loyalty was now to get its reward.
Journalists recalled video footage of him helping to pull the victims from the rubble after the Enniskillen bomb. The fact that he is now a minister in a shadow power-sharing government might be seen as a preliminary form of closure on the hatred and divisions of the past.
The really dramatic event, although it was widely forecast, came at 5.47 p.m. when Mr Martin McGuinness accepted the nomination by Mr Gerry Adams to ministerial office. An event that was unthinkable even a few years ago had come to pass. The classic republican had become a key player in a daring and difficult political experiment. No wonder Mr Cedric Wilson of the Northern Ireland Unionist Party walked out.
It is not too much to say that Northern Ireland, the republican movement and British-Irish relations will never be quite the same again. Mr McGuinness had crossed the Rubicon and passed the point of no return.
The rumours were that he would take the Agriculture portfolio, with Ms Bairbre de Brun going for Education. There will doubtless be shock waves in some sectors of the education system at the McGuinness appointment to the Department of Education and a feeling that the Goths have taken over the Colosseum.
But the Derry republican may surprise us. Peace process insiders praised his behaviour in the Mitchell review very highly. He developed a particular rapport with Sir Reg Empey. Mr McGuinness, the militant firebrand, has reinvented himself as a skilful politician.
On the other side of the fence, Peter Robinson made a positive initial impression by his undertaking, without prejudice to his anti-agreement convictions, to be "scrupulously fair" to all, regardless of creed or political belief.
He would be "the servant of all and the master of none" in his new role as Minister for Regional Development, a portfolio which should have a significant cross-Border dimension.
The Sinn Fein and DUP ministers, for their very different reasons, are likely to hit the ground running. They will have a lot to prove to suspicious constituencies on the other side of the fence.
The SDLP ministers are all well-known and highly experienced politicians. Ms Brid Rodgers was forecast to go to the Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure but ended up in Agriculture. Mark Durkan in Finance and Sean Farren in Higher and Further Education were not major surprises.
On the UUP side, Sir Reg Empey is expected to perform well as Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment. Mr Michael McGimpsey, who takes over the Culture, Arts and Leisure portfolio, had begun to emerge as a key Trimble lieutenant over the past year and was frequently sent out to bat at difficult conjunctures during the Mitchell review. Mr Foster at Environment is largely unknown outside Fermanagh. The great adventure has begun. Political insiders hope the razzmatazz surrounding the appointments will assist the development of a new political climate.
Dr Paisley's possible legal challenge and the UUC meeting in February hang like Swords of Damocles over the proceedings but, as senior figures in the peace process like to say, "Let's take it one day at a time."