European DiaryWhen Donald Tusk delivered his coalition's programme for government last Friday the sighs of relief emanating from Brussels could almost be heard back in Warsaw.
The new Polish prime minister's call for a return to the "ideology of common sense", normal politics and the pursuit of good relations with the EU signalled an end to the brash, confrontational style pursued by the past administration.
His soothing words about Warsaw's commitment to the euro would also have gained him friends at ECB headquarters in Frankfurt where there is concern Poland had gone cold on the currency.
The Kaczynski twins Lech and Jaroslaw, who dominated the previous administration, were generally reviled by the EU's powerbrokers. They disliked their brand of reactionary conservatism politics, which led to fights with homosexuals, communist sympathisers and even liberals promoting an EU day against the death penalty. The uncompromising stance adopted by the Law and Justice-led coalition in many EU negotiations, and most spectacularly on the reform treaty, also flew in the face of a traditional consensus-building approach pursued at the Council of Ministers.
"Contrary to those who stepped down we are convinced that the task of good authority is to solve conflicts, mitigate conflicts and not to feed on conflicts," Tusk told Poland's lower house of parliament on Friday as he outlined his programme for government. He also announced support for more EU integration and stressed that Poland was now an EU member, so it was not a case of a "them and us" approach.
But behind the pro-EU rhetoric signalling a break with the past it remains to be seen if Tusk's Civic Platform-led coalition will perform many U-turns in policy. For example, in his speech to the Sejm, Tusk committed his coalition to support Ukraine's EU ambitions, defend the common agricultural policy and aggressively push the concept of energy solidarity - all policies practised by the Kaczynski twins.
Warsaw also remains bitterly opposed to a proposed Russian-German Baltic gas pipeline that would bypass Poland in an effort to boost Berlin's energy security. "Energy solidarity is important for Poland and the EU . . . It shouldn't be subject to ad-hoc political egoism," Tusk told deputies, signalling that Polish opposition remained firm. Even Tusk's support for the single euro currency came with the caveat that it could only be introduced when it was "safe" for the public. Most analysts predict this means Warsaw will probably not be in a position to adopt the euro until 2011 at the earliest.
One Polish journalist said the new coalition could prove a tough negotiator on EU issues as it would be closely scrutinised at home. It was also likely to pick its fights more shrewdly, concentrating on big areas such as the 2008 budget review rather than obscure events such as an EU day on the death penalty. On foreign policy, the change of rhetoric may prove more significant, according to political analysts. "There was nothing dramatically new in the speech," says Eugeniusz Smolar, chairman of the think tank Centre for International Relations in Warsaw. "But there was a change of tone and a very positive approach to all our partners in the speech."
In particular, Smolar highlighted Tusk's conciliatory approach to both Russia and Germany during his speech. "We want dialogue with Russia . . . it is time for a change for the good in this relationship," said Tusk, who, nevertheless, has not proposed removing a Polish veto over talks on a new EU-Russia partnership deal.
Tusk's decision to appoint a well-known friend of Germany, the Auschwitz survivor Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, as a special adviser on relations with Germany, Russia and Israel suggests a break with the confrontations of the past administration. "In diplomacy, style makes a huge difference. Whether you talk to people or not makes a huge difference to what you can achieve. We hope to renew the dialogue with all our neighbours on all levels," says foreign minister Radoslaw Sikorski, who ironically was a minister for defence in the previous Law and Justice-led government before falling out with the Kaczynski twins.
But European hopes of a sea change in Polish-EU relations could also be frustrated by president Lech Kaczynski, who will remain in power until 2010 at least and who retains significant powers under the Polish constitution to block legislative proposals.
One example of the influence he will continue to wield in the area of foreign relations is the decision by Tusk not to try to adopt the charter of fundamental rights within the new EU reform treaty. Even though his Civic Platform party endorses the charter - a bill of rights for citizens - he admitted during his speech the danger of invoking a presidential veto from Kaczynski was not worth the risk.
Most political analysts expect Tusk to run as Civil Platform's candidate in the next presidential elections.
If he wins that battle a more fundamental policy shift may be possible.