In Colombia, 20 people die every day as a result of politically motivated violence. Every year there are about 30,000 killings, of which only 15 per cent are political killings. This gives some indication of the culture of violence that reigns in the country.
Colombia is a country where anything - a car, a purse or just a watch - can be more valuable than a human life. People kill or are killed for thinking differently - for just being different.
Armed conflict is familiar to Colombians - after all, they have had 50 years to get used to warfare. Colombia has the distinction of having one of the world's worst human rights records. It is also one of the most violent countries in the world and one of the biggest suppliers of drugs. In 1998 alone, there were 32,000 deaths as a result of crime, political violence and "social cleansing".
Colombia has the oldest formal democracy in South America but a small group of wealthy people have been ruling it for generations, nurturing the ever-widening gap between rich and poor.
Some cities of Colombia are no different to Dublin, Cork or Galway in terms of modern and expensive shopping centres and cultural activities. Yet there are many small villages in rural areas which do not have a decent road and are inaccessible. To get to La Union, a peace community in the state of Uraba, I had only two options: to walk for more than two hours or to hitch a ride on a mule or horse.
The civil war pitches the guerillas - consisting of the main FARC movement with 20,000 members or sympathisers - and the smaller ELN against the government and 6,000 strong right-wing paramilitaries.
The guerrillas claim to be fighting for so-called justice and equality and participation. They are responsible for 15 per cent of the politically motivated violence.
The paramilitaries, on the other hand, claim to be defending democracy and preventing Colombia from becoming another Cuba. They are backed by sections of the military, as well as landowners and business people. Some 80 per cent of all human rights abuses are carried out by the paramilitaries in tandem with the military, which is responsible for about 5 per cent of all political killings.
The drugs trade finances the activities of those involved in the civil war. Each group wants to control certain territories rich in natural resources and minerals as well as coca production.
The south of Colombia has been controlled by FARC for decades. Two years ago, as part of the peace negotiations with the government, FARC was granted control of 30,000 square kilometres - a territory the size of Switzerland - to entice them to continue with the peace talks.
The people have no choice but to accept their new rulers. The issue is complicated by the fact that FARC provides jobs as informers to unemployed people or pays retainers to business people to spy on the people.
Even though FARC had some acceptance from the people in the past, this has changed as the nature of the war has become more vicious with civilians targeted by both sides. Civilians have endured killings, kidnappings and forced recruitment, especially of young people, into the rebel forces.
Civilians are regularly accused by each side of sympathising with their opponent and innocent people, including community leaders, human rights defenders, indigenous peoples and women and children, have been murdered.
On January 3rd, about 100 gunmen rounded up and killed 11 people in the town of Yolombo in northern Colombia. The gunmen were right-wing paramilitaries who claimed their victims were guerilla sympathisers.
As if the civil war was not bad enough, the government has started to implement the controversial "Plan Colombia", which is a $1.3 billion package agreed by the Colombian and the US governments to get rid of the guerrillas and the coca crops.
Military aid and fumigation are two of the main strategies. While some scientific opinion in the US says chemicals used in fumigation are safe, there is evidence that the chemical mixture is having a bad effect on the people and the environment.
The local people, generally poor peasant farmers, are worried about the serious long-term consequences for human health as well as the impact on the land and water. Many have already left their homes to flee the spraying.
Moreover, the policy is doomed to failure. In the past, fumigation has sparked the so-called "balloon effect" where crop production simply shifts from one place to another. Coca crops cultivated in Bolivia and Peru a decade ago just moved to Colombia. In this way Bolivia and Peru celebrated the decrease of coca cultivation but Colombia became the main coca producer in the region.
In the ongoing peace talks, FARC's agenda to address issues of injustice, equal economic and the overall political system - the issues at the roots of the conflict - are sensible, but there has been very little progress.
October 8th is the deadline for the end of the demilitarised zones. It is difficult to say if they will continue to exist into the winter. Elections take place next May and the Government may be under pressure to halt the talks. Similarly, FARC is under increasing military pressure from the paramilitaries.
The European Union declined to support Plan Colombia but has approved a grant of €105 million to support the peace process.
Constant vigilance is needed to ensure that the EU, including Ireland, supports a process which promotes sustainable development, peace and respect for human rights and international humanitarian law.
Ireland must push for human rights to be central to the EU support for Colombia.
The last thing the country needs at present is more guns, bullets or military training.
Patty Abozaglo is Tr≤caire's Latin America Project Officer