FRANCE/IRAQ: The four men sitting across the table were a slice of Iraqi political life, the embodiment of their country's contradictions.
The Sunni from the Islamic Party was reproachful; the Kurd boasted of his people's political maturity and the safety of their enclave; the Shia was learned and confident of victory; the communist verbose and worldly.
In the run-up to Iraqi legislative elections two weeks from now, the French government brought 14 leading Iraqi politicians to Paris for four days, because, as Hervé Ladsous, the foreign ministry spokesman, said: "France is in it for the long run. We want to participate in the development of Iraq, including its political development."
The Iraqis' crash course in democracy à la française included meetings with the foreign and interior ministers, parliamentarians, the constitutional council and council of state. It ended with an elegant meal at the foreign ministry and questioning by journalists.
There was never any question of French secularism rubbing off on them. The Shia cast a worried glance over the veal roast until he was assured it wasn't pork. Only the communist smoked and drank wine, while the Sunni moved to a corner of the gilt and wood-panelled room to pray.
A colleague from French radio broached the most delicate subject naively. What was the difference between the Iraqi Islamic Party and the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, since they were both Islamic?
The Iraqis squirmed and looked sideways. "We are Shia, they are Sunni," Adnan Ali of the Supreme Council finally responded.
Were we going to cover the elections on January 30th, the politicians wanted to know. Correspondents for the radio stations and newspaper which employed three French journalists taken hostage in Iraq (two since released) were seated at our table; their editors were reluctant to send anyone.
"The proportion of journalists kidnapped in Iraq is very small compared to the number who are there," said Mustafa al-Ani of the Islamic Party, which is boycotting the elections. It seemed a roundabout way of accusing the press of cowardice. But those kidnapped are those who go out on stories, a colleague protested; the others stay in their hotels.
Mr al-Ani, the Sunni, was a fervent advocate of foreign press coverage. "The presence of journalists is very important," he said. "During the assault on Falluja, the Americans did what they wanted because there were no independent journalists there. Now the Americans are in a hurry to hold elections, so they can tell the world the Iraq problem is over."
But Mr al-Ani's explanation of why Iraqis kidnap journalists was dissuasive: "Certain journalists lack credibility in their reports," he claimed. "A confusion arises between journalists and informers or spies."
There were two types of resistance in Iraq, he continued. "One resistance has been infiltrated from outside. It does not want Iraq to stabilise and some of them work for the former regime. And there is a resistance that wants to see the occupying forces leave . . . I have chosen a form of political resistance, others have chosen armed resistance. I would like journalists to cover them."
"I disagree with Mustafa," Ali al- Aqabi, a communist candidate in the January 30th elections, interrupted. Four members of his party had been assassinated in the past week, "by members of the former regime and obscurantists. There is no true spontaneous resistance in Iraq. The resistance arose because of the lack of skill and organisation of the Americans."
Mr al-Ani claimed his Sunni party supported the political process, "but because of the present situation, it would be wiser to postpone the election. That's why we pulled out."
Estimating the percentage of Iraqis who can vote in relative safety has become a political football; US commanders admit it may be impossible in four out of 18 provinces.
"Mosul, Anbar, Kirkuk, Salaheddin, Babel, half of Diyala and much of the region around Baghdad are not safe," Mr al-Ani said. "That makes seven provinces. If you take out the three Kurdish provinces, that means only eight are stable, and they have far less population. This is a point of total discord between those who support elections and those who oppose them."
Mr Ali, who is running the election campaign for the Supreme Council, recalled that "the Shia were the main victims of the former regime and they aspire to a new start through these elections." If the January 30th date is not respected, "we cannot guarantee the reaction of the Shia people; we might not be able to control the situation."
The Kurdish north is also renewing its own regional assembly. Syria, Turkey, Iran and the rest of Iraq are watching aghast as Kurdistan moves closer to independence. "That is the legitimate aspiration of all Kurds," said Nadir Qadir, a member of Jalal Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. "The UN Charter says all peoples have the right to self-determination, but at present, it is not in the interest of Kurds to separate from Iraq."
Over chocolate mousse and coffee and before his afternoon prayers, Mr al-Ani returned to the obsession of the Sunnis: postponing the elections. "It might not stop or reduce the violence," he admitted, "but it would give us an opportunity to talk. Our Arab neighbours might convince the Sunnis to vote."
But a few minutes later, the Sunni politician warned: "Under occupation, all elections are illegitimate because the occupiers are not sincere. They have not set a deadline for their departure."
What had they learned from their stay in Paris? Mr al-Aqabi, the communist, knew exactly what his French hosts wanted to hear. "We want Europe and France to play a prominent role in Iraq," he said, "to minimise the American domination of our country."