Leader's address: Edited extracts
So, they finally did it . . . or did they? The Provos finally stepped up to the plate but in typical fashion, they decided to be curmudgeonly and mealy-mouthed.
Even in their final gestures, the Provisional IRA could not bring themselves to be open and transparent.
They were desperate to avoid the taint of humiliation or defeat.
They were allowed to dictate and drive the decommissioning process, yielding none of the demands made by the DUP.
The deed that they should have done years ago was shrouded in secrecy.
Senior churchmen witnessed this last act, and I, for one, believe that a significant act took place. However, Fr Reid's outburst has shocked and alienated unionists and done major damage to the credibility of the process. Confidence in these developments has been severely damaged.
But let's be clear about this: the Provos have suffered a military defeat. No victorious so-called "army" hands over weapons to a commission established by its enemy.
Yes, they'll still be around, doing a bit of enforcing here . . . a bit of smuggling there.
For republicans who murdered, maimed, bombed and robbed for 35 years their needless and futile 'war' is at an end.
But, generally speaking, they'll become 'political', just as others have, and we in the Ulster Unionist Party and the DUP will have to deal with that reality.
Let me say it again: the Provisional IRA has failed.
Ground down by the perseverance and dogged determination of the security forces - the Royal Irish Regiment, the UDR and the RUC - to whom we owe a deep debt of gratitude.
And the Ulster Unionist Party played a pivotal role in devising and accelerating their end.
It is not being triumphalist when we recall the republican threat 'not a bullet, not an ounce', or that in 1996 they proclaimed no return to Stormont'.
That's not all.
The consent principle, which we were instrumental in negotiating, undermines a fundamental tenet of republicanism. They have had to accept partition.
They conceded that their beloved notion of a united Ireland could only come about if we agreed to it.
We couldn't be bombed or coerced into it.
But they are trying to achieve their goal by other means now, despite having to make real concessions. They are trying to find reasons to justify their so-called war. That is why the Nazi slurs, allied to ongoing attacks on the police and bogus claims about human rights and equality, are so significant.
We have prized their fingers off the gun.
And we forced them to the position where, imperfect though it was, they did what we demanded all along.
There is no more carnage.
No car bombs or destruction.
So, let's acknowledge our role in all of that.
And if our opponents try to claim the credit, let's remind them the gains were made by this party while they stood and preached from the security of the sidelines.
What our opponents did do - and they did this well - was sell the lie that it was all pain for unionists, and all gain for republicans.
Our mistake was that we allowed them to peddle this untruth. For them, it was more important to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory, and blame us for what ensued.
They waited outside or on the fringes as we negotiated away the Republic's territorial claim; they were ever able to do things better, but never to do them first.
Now they flounder with power - more concerned with privilege than with principle.
In coming months, the DUP will have their mettle tested as never before.
They will not be able to equivocate,bluster, as some of them like to do.
The clock is ticking, and an anxious electorate is waiting to see if the largest unionist party has more to it than outdated catch phrases and backward policies.
Our role will be constructive. To continue the job of rebuilding, not undermining or wrecking.
Since Ian Paisley divided unionism in the 1960s it has left a bad legacy; we have been unable to punch our weight. People say to me that they want to see unionists working together. This has happened in the past. I said before that where there is genuine agreement on an issue I am prepared to play a constructive role. But I am not prepared to adopt unattainable goals or avoid tough decisions just to be able to say that we all agree. That approach brought us the Anglo-Irish Agreement! I have a desire to see unionism, for the first time in decades, punching its full weight without having to fight inter-unionist battles that merely comfort and console our opponents.
At the other end of the spectrum, we find the disgruntled, embittered, feuding loyalist paramilitaries. Too many lives have been lost as rival groupings battle for supremacy.
The pain they caused, and continue to cause, must end.
Today, I make this direct appeal to these groups: call it a day. Begin the job of decommissioning the firepower that has brought so much misery.
The days when you listened and responded to the blood-curdling speeches of some unionist leaders in the Ulster Hall are long since past, as are the days of Ulster Resistance and middle-of-the-night mountainside adventures.
I acknowledge that many young men were encouraged to 'fight' for their country and take on the IRA - they saw their leaders in paramilitary attire promising to 'provide political cover.' It is not surprising that impressionable young men and women took up the cudgels they were encouraged to wield. Many of them are now dead and others had their lives destroyed, and in turn destroyed the lives of many innocent victims.
Listen one last time to me: political unionism cannot wash its hands of what happened 20 or 30 years ago, but if you agree that this chapter can now be closed, you will find in me a politician who will assist in that transition to a better future.
My door is open to you. But you must realise that you cannot continue as you are.
I said in June that the issue of parades should be brought to the top of the political agenda and made part of an overall settlement. I did so because I could see what the potential for trouble was. Sadly, little attention has been paid to resolving the problem at source. We all condemn what happened in September. It was inexcusable.
I want to reiterate my call for the issue to be raised up the agenda by Peter Hain. It cannot be left open. Local communities are being turned upside down by the problems arising from parades. Sinn Féin-sponsored residents groups can turn the tap on and off when they wish.
Sadly loyalists fall into the trap set for them, and the inconsistent and illogical behaviour of the parades commission does nothing to end this chaos.
Looking ahead over the next few months, what can we expect? There will be a big push by government following the next report of the IMC in January. I think most people feel this coming. Tony Blair is not going to wait around for two years regardless of what Ian Paisley says. Tony Blair will be anxious to fill the vacuum.
This is the worst of all worlds for unionists - a process continuing involving two governments and Sinn Féin, with the rest of us as spectators. Our task in coming weeks will be to restore a proper decision-making process. Republicans are increasingly focused on their role in Dublin, and it is quite possible that in 18 months' time an Irish Government could be in office propped up with Sinn Féin support.
This is no longer a pipe dream. It is on the cards. This would drastically increase the risk to unionists, which is why our present powerlessness is so dangerous.
It is nearly two years since the DUP assumed the mantle of the largest unionist party. In that time, instead of their promises being fulfilled, we have seen a tidal wave of concessions which continue to gather momentum, a failed so-called comprehensive agreement in December last year where the DUP agreed in principle to enter government with Sinn Féin. After two years we still have no devolution. Sinn Féin, Downing Street and Dublin form the main decision-making axis. Unionists are back where they started in the 1980s.
Where does Ulster Unionism see our province going in the years ahead? What have we to offer the disillusioned electorate? My vision for the future of Northern Ireland is simple. I believe in a Northern Ireland which has one community with different component parts; that community achieves more when those different sections are working together. I am vehemently opposed to the growing 'Bhantustans' in Ulster, where each 'tribe' elects its own leadership and are content to develop separately as once was the case in South Africa. That route is sure to weaken the union. Northern Ireland needs the whole community to identify with the province; to feel a sense of belonging and a sense of pride in our collective achievements.
The DUP is incapable of creating such a society.
I am determined that we will not be written off by those who seek to divide and destroy unionism. I can only restore the confidence and trust of the electorate in this party if you are with me. Together we can secure our cherished union.
We will settle for nothing less. In the slightly amended words of the current governor of California, Arnold Schwarzenegger, We'll be back!