When Fianna Fail was ousted from power in 1973 after 16 years in government, diplomats at the American embassy in Dublin were excited at the election of the new Fine Gael-Labour coalition.
In dispatches back to Washington, the embassy enthused that the new cabinet was "considered one of the most talented in Irish history". The Fine Gael ministers were seen as reflecting how "Fine Gael is split into two groups: the conservatives close to Taoiseach Cosgrave and the reformers of the `Just Society' wing who have been impatient under Cosgrave's cautious leadership".
As the new ministers were announced, profiles with candid comments were sent back to Washington.
Garret FitzGerald was the new minister for foreign affairs. "He is indeed one of the most impressive public figures in the country," said the report. "He is very likely to be the most visible man in the new government - even more than prime minister Cosgrave.
"Though he was Fine Gael spokesman (shadow minister) only for finance, he turned out to know more about several subjects than the government ministers. On occasion, FitzGerald was nearly a one-man opposition, out-thinking, out-talking the best talent the Fianna Fail government could put up against him.
"FitzGerald is, however, almost equally well qualified for the foreign ministry. We expect him to be friendly, frank, objective and well-informed in the dealings we have with him.
"Many listeners are flustered by FitzGerald's rapid-fire speech," the embassy reported. "There is a natural tendency to wonder whether anyone so bright could be quite a solid citizen. FitzGerald, however, does not usually arouse personal antipathy, as does Conor Cruise O'Brien, the Labour deputy who is the Dail's other leading intellect. FitzGerald seems to retain a sense of humour and balance. He is willing to admit error and retreat when necessary."
The embassy had some humorous comments on Dr FitzGerald's ill-fitting suits and wild hair, but called him one of the most effective performers on television. "As a writer, FitzGerald's only competition among Irish politicians is from Cruise O'Brien, who is perhaps supreme in this field."
Michael O'Leary, the new 36-year-old minister for labour, was described as a politician "with a very bright future" with "an attractive, informal personality".
"O'Leary has, nevertheless, a personality problem which has puzzled a number of observers who know him well. He has often been erratic, with visible ups and downs. When he visited the US on a leader grant in 1970, he proved extremely difficult to programme, sometimes showing up late or never for scheduled appointments.
"Part of the problem may have been that he dislikes programmes of any kind, preferring flexibility and informality . . . From talking to O'Leary, we have the impression that he is deeply and sincerely concerned about problems of social injustice, especially those involving workers and youth."
The report says that O'Leary "has been openly critical of many US policies [but was] fairly close to US liberal attitudes on most questions and he has been friendly to Americans".
The report concludes: "O'Leary is one of the most conspicuous bachelors among leading Irish politicians. His unmarried state, however, does not reflect on his inclinations or opportunities. He is often seen in the company of Dublin's prettiest girls. He is personally attractive and, combined with his leading political position, this must make him one of Ireland's most eligible bachelors."
The new minister for industry and commerce, Justin Keating, was described as having "some of the most unlikely qualifications of any Irish politician. He is a wealthy farmer, yet a devoted member of the Labour Party; a veterinarian who is widely accepted as an intellectual and a Labour deputy who is in a ministry that would normally be reserved for a member of the senior party in the government coalition (Fine Gael)".
The report says: "In many ways, Keating would be a more likely member of the relatively conservative Fine Gael party than of Labour. He appears to be a social democrat rather than a socialist, and he especially admires Willy Brandt. Unlike many other members of the Labour Party, he has been good at team work and at avoiding controversy."
The appointment of Richie Ryan as minister for finance was described as "one of the major surprises" of the new cabinet.
The embassy said the Taoiseach "appears to want competent generalists in all cabinet positions, probably so that he can personally retain more influence over policy".
The report continued: "A brilliant economist like FitzGerald might have been difficult to keep under control in the finance ministry. Ryan is no expert in economics, though he did some related studies at school.
"He is more conservative than FitzGerald, closer to Cosgrave personally and less likely to opt for venturesome social experiments. He is not expected to block needed reforms, however, and has in fact shown an interest in constitutional changes in the past."
The embassy's report noted that "a number of people in Dublin have taken a dislike to Ryan".
Patrick Cooney, the new minister for justice, had been less than three years in the Dail, the embassy noted, adding: "He must have been held in very high regard by Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave, who had a wealth of talent from which to pick his new cabinet."
"As minister for justice, however, Cooney has so far [six months after his appointment] been a disappointment to many in his own party. The major criticism of him - which frequently appears in the press and is echoed in private by party members - is that he has appeared to be unconcerned about conditions in Irish prisons."
Pointing out that the jails were more crowded because of "a crackdown on IRA supporters", the report says that "Cooney, unfortunately, has reacted defensively to press criticism, claiming that conditions are not as bad as the reporters think".
Like other members of the Just Society group within Fine Gael, Mr Cooney is "considered a liberal, with strong interests in civil rights but firmly opposed to the IRA . . . Certainly, the crackdown on extremists has increased during his tenure".
The new minister for education, Richard Burke, had "enjoyed a spectacular rise to power" within Fine Gael, said the embassy, and his "personal conservatism has perhaps helped with his party leader. The other wing has liked his intelligence and interest in pragmatic reforms".
Mr Burke "is evidently popular with his constituents as with his party colleagues, which is saying a good deal . . . No one doubts his zeal" for reform as a former teacher.
Peter Barry, the new minister for transport and power, "is not yet a well-known figure in Irish politics, nor even in his own party. Our sources of information on him are few and embassy officials have had only brief business contact with him".
"As a person, the new minister is quiet and reserved. He seems to have neither the charisma nor the intellectual brilliance of some cabinet colleagues. His friends say, however, that he can be relied upon to do a competent job in following programmes laid out for him by the party leadership or senior civil servants. He is straightforward and personable in manner."
The evident qualification for ministerial office of James Tully, the new minister for local government, was "his lifelong, faithful service to the Labour Party", the report says.
"He is a conservative in a party with a strong left wing; a faithful party servant among many self-centred colleagues; a man of no advanced education or intellect in a party of many brilliant individualists," said the embassy.
The report said Mr Tully's major task would be the redrawing of electoral boundaries. "Best bet at the moment is that Tully will set up the new constituency boundaries himself, reversing the pro-Fianna Fail bias written into the districts by the last government."
The irony of this prediction is that what came to be called the Tullymander helped sweep Fianna Fail back into power in 1977 with a huge majority.