His slight frame belies the fact that he is what diplomats these days call "a major player". It is indicative of Ireland's standing both in the European Union and as a newly-elected member of the Security Council that, in the middle of an election campaign and at the height of efforts to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Prime Minister, Mr Ehud Barak, should send his cabinet secretary, Mr Isaac Herzog, as a special emissary to brief the Government on the situation.
Trailing badly in the polls, Mr Barak still apparently thinks he can win and has made a daring move by authorising intensive, non-stop talks with the Palestinians at the Red Sea resort of Taba. At the end of it all he might just possibly have something to sell to the electorate on February 6th.
Israel is unusual in having elections specifically for the post of prime minister and, unless there is the political equivalent of a miracle, Mr Barak will probably go down in defeat to another former general, the right-wing, tough-talking Ariel Sharon.
Mr Herzog met the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Ms Liz O'Donnell, and the chairman of the Oireachtas Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr Des O'Malley, to update them on the negotiations. "We feel that world leadership should understand there is a rare window of opportunity," he said.
"This is the 91st minute of the game. The Palestinians agreed to resume talks in very high-level meetings in Taba, with ministers of the highest level on both sides, to discuss the basic ideas for an agreement. We cannot be over optimistic as this is very difficult in light of the upcoming election, but Prime Minister Barak said in the cabinet that we should exhaust every avenue for peace."
Two weeks is a long time in Israel, he insists. While his government was willing to make "unprecedented compromises for peace" the Israeli negotiating team was under three strict guidelines:
(1) There will be no recognition of a right of return for Palestinian refugees. Israel was the only Jewish state in the world. "It cannot allow a return of five million Palestinians, which means basically the annihilation of our state. The two-state solution is the adequate, pragmatic solution for the aspirations of both sides, a Jewish homeland and a Palestinian homeland."
(2) Israel will not transfer sovereignty over the Temple Mount holy site in Jerusalem to the Palestinians: however, he acknowledges reports that there is scope for "creative ideas to be discussed in light of President Clinton's proposals or other proposals".
(3) A major element of any solution would provide that "80 per cent of the Israeli settlers [in the West Bank] will be living in settlement blocks that will be part of Israel." This meant, as Mr Barak himself had pointed out, that over 90 per cent of the land would be given to the Palestinians.
"I believe that Ireland could play a major role because Ireland is respected by both parties." The Irish could say to the Palestinians: "Don't miss this rare opportunity and please combat terrorism as you ought to do."
He rejects criticism of Israel's handling of the intifada. "What led to the casualties was an outburst of enormous violence with demonstrations of thousands of people, including people with guns, especially the Palestinian police and the Tanzim gang, who were swarming at Israeli outposts by the thousands with guns given to them by Israel," he replies. As he sees it, the outnumbered Israeli soldiers had no option but to shoot back.
I made the point that television footage of Palestinian children getting shot was not helping the Israeli cause internationally.
"There is a false pretence here," he said, "because of the superficial view of the camera that shows youngsters throwing stones at Israeli tanks and thereafter being shot. Let's remember who sent those thousands of people to throw stones at tanks. From [among] those demonstrators there was shooting with rifles."
He continues: "We feel a lot of pain for every Palestinian casualty. I can tell you that in the most confidential meetings of the Israeli security cabinet the pain of the Palestinians was brought to a discussion but there was nothing else we could do, first and foremost, but to protect our citizens."
As secretary to the Israeli government, Mr Herzog says he is "a civil servant but a political appointee". He has been in the eye of a political and legal storm over election funding. "I don't want to talk about it because I am not talking in Israel either."
Even apart from diplomatic and foreign policy considerations, he is guaranteed a welcome here because of his strong Irish connections. His grandfather, Isaac Halevy Herzog, was the first chief rabbi of the Irish Free State (and later of Israel), and his father, the late Chaim Herzog, president of Israel 1983-1993, was born in Belfast in 1918 and spent his youth in Dublin where he attended Wesley College.
"My grandfather was very involved during the [struggle for] independence and had a special and unique relationship with Eamon de Valera, so much so that in 1950, two years after the establishment of the state of Israel, de Valera came especially to visit Israel - he was then in opposition - and he was the guest of my grandfather and met Ben-Gurion [first Israeli prime minister] in my grandfather's home."
Isaac's father and Uncle Yaacov grew up on Dublin's South Circular Road and later Bloomfield Avenue and moved to the then-Palestine as adolescents in the mid-1930s.
His father knew the Irish language and proudly retained his Irish accent. He visited Ireland in 1985 while president of Israel. On a memorable occasion at the White House he was toasted by President Ronald Reagan who, conscious of his own roots, said: "This is a great day for the Irish."