"FLAGSHIP" is a word normally associated with success - the standard-bearer, the ship in which the admiral sails. Not so among some coastal citizens of the European Union. For many Irish and British fishermen, it is synonymous with inglorious failure.
Burning EU flags during the British general election last month was how some English skippers made their point.
Their Irish counterparts have been less enthusiastic about pyro-technics, but equally concerned about the problem, which Britain intends to raise at next week's Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC).
Why Britain? It is a question that Irish fishermen have been asking, given that Irish fish stocks bear the brunt of the activity. "Flagships" or "quota hoppers" are EU vessels which register in another member state to avail of that national fish quota.
Under the EU Common Fisheries Policy (CFP), it is perfectly legal, although Britain tried to prove otherwise. When it emerged that some 150 Spanish vessels had registered in Britain, the British government tried to remove theme - only to find that it was illegal to do so under European law.
The affected Spanish owners even submitted a £30 million compensation bill for loss of earnings after they won their case.
Ireland has 12 Spanish flagships on this register, and has a constant problem with controlling flagship activity in a sea area which represents 16 per cent of EU waters. The bulk of fishery detentions over past years have involved flagships. When Spain and Portugal were granted full access in 1996 to EU waters after a 10-year restriction, Ireland was promised more funds for surveillance and control - given that scarce resources and crew shortages have made the Irish exclusive economic zone the most poorly policed in Europe.
The issue came to a head during the British general election campaign when, to buy votes, the British Tory party pledged to veto the IGC treaty if the European Commission did not come up with a satisfactory solution. The Labour Party was also sympathetic; however, now in office, the British Labour fisheries minister, Mr Elliot Morley, has made it clear that there will be no veto in Amsterdam.
The Common Fisheries Policy review in 2002 provides an opportunity to look at the issue in more detail.
Meanwhile, Ireland says it will support Britain's case, and is anxious to see some signal emerging from Amsterdam.
