Up to this summer, it appeared the British army and RUC were determined to hold on to the contentious military observation posts and bases dotted along the hilltops of south Armagh.
The RUC Chief Constable, Sir Ronnie Flanagan, insisted the military observation posts (Ops) were essential for the safety of his officers operating in the south Armagh terrain. Sir Ronnie has a legal as well as moral obligation to ensure the safety of his officers.
Both the RUC and British army have suffered a heavy toll in deaths and injuries trying to police south Armagh and the lines of observation posts erected in the early 1980s are seen as the most effective way of protecting police and soldiers operating in the open in an area which is perfectly designed for guerrilla warfare and ambush.
The Chief Constable pointed out, as late as this spring, that there was still a considerable threat to his officers from republican terrorists operating in the south Armagh area and that he could not recommend that the army close down the posts. He referred to the threat from the "Real IRA", the group responsible for the Omagh atrocity of August 1998.
The group appeared to pose a serious security threat. Made up of ex-Provisional IRA members, it had developed very advanced bomb-making skills and had mounted mortar and landmine attacks in south Armagh by the beginning of last year. Since then, it has carried out seven bomb attacks in London and more than 30 in Northern Ireland.
In such circumstances, the Chief Constable said he had no option but to request that the army retain its posts in south Armagh. As he has "primacy" in security matters in Northern Ireland, the British army was obliged to remain where it was.
While there was no criticism of Sir Ronnie's position within the military, it has been known for some time that the British army would prefer to be elsewhere.
The task of supplying the 11 hilltop posts with soldiers and supplies - even the rubbish is removed by helicopter - is a major drain on the military's helicopter corps.
A large portion of the British army's helicopter troop-carrying capacity is taken up with Northern Ireland. Prior to the latest US and NATO mobilisation in the wake of the September 11th attacks in the US, Northern Ireland had the busiest military helicopter bases in the world.
Events since the early summer have improved the prospects for the "peace process" in Northern Ireland.
The Garda and RUC began to have significant successes against the "Real IRA", making a succession of arrests and arms and explosives seizures. It became obvious that the Special Branch in Dublin had heavily infiltrated the terrorist group and had reached a position where it was able to interrupt all its activities.
This action helped significantly to reduce the "threat" to security forces operating in south Armagh and other Border areas.
The "Real IRA" was forced to regroup and began an internal inquiry into the leaks that were leading to its operations being thwarted. One important seizure by garda∅ in Co Cavan also uncovered a large quantity of cannabis and ecstasy, along with explosives, proving previous suspicions that the "Real IRA" was heavily linked with criminal activities like smuggling and drug trafficking along the Border.
It is this involvement with organised criminal activity that, ultimately, led to the decline of the "Real IRA" and an improved security environment in the Border area.
However, it still seemed unlikely up to mid-summer that the successes against the dissident republicans were sufficient to create a situation where demilitarisation could take place in crucial areas like south Armagh. In other words, neither the Provisional IRA nor the security forces in Northern Ireland were prepared to back down any further on decommissioning and the closure of bases.
The RUC and British army were worried that if they pulled out of their posts precipitously, they could suffer unwarranted losses of soldiers and police.
The IRA, for its part, was still not confident that it could move, somewhat unilaterally, on decommissioning without a major act of military de-escalation in south Armagh.
At the meeting of the North's political leaders and both governments at Weston Park in Britain in July, however, there came the first inkling that a scaling down of the British military presence in this highly symbolic area of Northern nationalism could be under way. The Weston Park agreement indicated that three of the 11 observation posts could be closed in the context of a major positive move on IRA decommissioning.
The posts suggested for closure were at Sugar Loaf Hill, Sturgan Mountain and the inter-linked posts at Camlough Mountain.
These positions are in the "back line" of the British army's defensive structure in south Armagh. The seven front-line bases were to remain.
The promise of closing these back-line posts, however, was almost certainly insufficient to move many of the hard-line republicans in south Armagh to support decommissioning, while the seven most obvious posts remained on some of the most prominent hilltops along the Border.
According to senior British military sources there is no longer any over-arching necessity for the military to remain on any hilltops.
In fact, with the prospect of a major military campaign looming against supporters of the September 11th attacks, it seems clear the British army will be very keen to end a resource-draining deployment like south Armagh. For its part, the IRA was left with little option but to decommission after two dominating events in the late summer. The first was the revelation that it had been training members of the narco-terrorist group, FARC, in Colombia. FARC has for years been one of the United States' most hated foreign terrorist groups and has been responsible for supplying cocaine and heroin into the US, kidnapping US and Colombian citizens and attacking anti-narcotics bases funded by the US administration.
The second event was the September 11th attacks in New York and Washington. In the post-September 11th dispensation, with the IRA and Sinn FΘin facing opprobrium as an ally of "international terrorism", the IRA was faced with no option but to move quickly and decisively towards a major act of decommissioning.
Despite Sinn FΘin's assertions that yesterday's statements by Mr Adams and Mr Martin McGuinness were of a historical and unique distinction, both men have made similar statements before and their words have not been followed up by action.
Mr Adams made a speech similar in content to yesterday's on July 18th, 1997, just prior to the reinstatement of the second IRA ceasefire.
Then, he said, he would "approach the IRA to restore their cessation" if he was confident that their response would be positive.
That speech had prompted major media speculation that IRA decommissioning was a short distance away. Nothing happened.
The only issue, it would seem, that remains to be resolved in the latest "breakthrough" concerns six IRA prisoners who are held, not in Northern Ireland or England, but in Castlerea Prison in Co Roscommon.
Five of these men are imprisoned for the manslaughter of Det Garda Jerry McCabe and the sixth is in prison for possession of details about a senior RUC officer and his family living in Co Tyrone.
It is understood that discussion over their release has taken place but that no promises have been made about early releases.