Most new governments are allowed a honeymoon period of 100 days before they are expected to forget the excitement and novelty of high office and knuckle down to the more humdrum housekeeping business of running a country. It's unfair, but because of the political crisis, the assessment of the Northern Executive must come after only two months and 12 days.
The Northern executive was an unusual partnership: no sooner were the rites completed than the guidance counsellors, in the shape of the Irish and British governments, were in trying to save the marriage. Nonetheless, there were some star performers in the Executive, others played it steady, while a couple of ministers might be glad of the respite that comes with suspension.
David Trimble and Seamus Mallon, First Minister and Deputy First Minister respectively, absolute contrasts in style, patched up their differences early and developed a good working relationship. They ran the weekly Executive meetings effectively and impartially, according to insiders.
"They are both highly capable in their own right, but Mallon has the vision thing while Trimble is happy dealing with detail and figures. They complemented each other well," said one observer.
Absent from these executive gatherings were DUP Ministers Peter Robinson and Nigel Dodds who, in the words of the DUP itself, acted as "rogue ministers, or ministers in opposition". Mr Robinson swept typhoon-like through his Department of Regional Development, introducing fresh ideas and exerting heavy demands on senior civil servants used to the more relaxed methods of direct rule minister Lord Dubs. His responsibility was to build up Northern Ireland's infrastructure and he set to his task with gusto.
He announced a number of major roadworks throughout the North, and without much fuss joined Sinn Fein and other MLAs (Members of the Legislative Assembly) and councillors in the nationalist town of Toomebridge to give the go-ahead for a £13 million bypass intended to end the regular bottlenecks in the Co Antrim village.
Mr Robinson performed with assurance when answering questions at the dispatch box in the Assembly. Like Charles Haughey, he was determined to bring in free travel for pensioners. However, he side-stepped taking the difficult decision on whether fully or partially to privatise Belfast Port, leaving the matter temporarily in the hands of consultants.
Mr Dodds, the DUP Minister of Social Development, also set about imposing his stamp on his department. He initiated reviews on matters such as housing, urban regeneration and developing the community and voluntary sector.
He operated on a philosophy of "local solutions to local problems" but because of the longterm nature of his big projects it will take time to determine whether Mr Dodds's goals will be achieved. That long-term judgment applies to all ministers.
Because of his background and the portfolio he chose, the Minister of Education, Martin McGuinness of Sinn Fein, was the most high-profile minister. His appointment was greeted with school protests but gradually his humour and cheerful enthusiasm for the job won converts, although there are unionists who will implacably oppose him no matter his achievements.
One of his first initiatives was to beef up funding for integrated education. He was opposed to the Eleven Plus selection exam but was waiting on a review from a Queen's University body before deciding whether it should be abolished. This week he announced a £72 million schools building programme, the biggest in Northern Ireland.
Like Peter Robinson he was impressive at the dispatch box. His Sinn Fein colleague and Minister of Health, Bairbre de Brun, however, had a very difficult time in the Assembly and in her department. She opened well, winning an extra £3.3 million from the executive to tackle the flu crisis over the Christmas period.
However, her refusal to condemn the republican intimidation of health workers from Carrickmore and her unwillingness to say she would co-operate with the RUC in tackling drugs crime, and her insistence that the British Union flag must not fly over her department at Castle Buildings, put her into conflict with unionists and, in two of these cases, with nationalists. She was said to employ a rather strict style with her civil servants.
She was accused by unionists of favouring her own nationalist constituency when, contrary to the advice of her Assembly health committee, she chose to centralise maternity service at the Royal site in West Belfast rather than at the Jubilee in South Belfast.
Sir Reg Empey, the Ulster Unionist Party Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment, took to his job with missionary zeal. He was developing a vision and a plan for building up the North's economy and he embraced the North-South dimension to the Belfast Agreement when some cynical nationalists felt he might operate a work to rule in this area.
He was the first minister to travel south, to meet the Minister for Public Enterprise, Ms O'Rourke, and the Tanaiste, Ms Harney. Sir Reg also made it his business to talk and listen to business people, tourist interests and anyone who could help bring employment to Northern Ireland. While calm and affable, his civil servants have learnt he was "no pushover".
The SDLP Minister of Agriculture, Brid Rodgers, while running an industry in crisis, earned the support of farmers, many of them of the staunch unionist variety. She was careful not to build up hopes of an easy way out of the difficulties, but demonstrated a willingness to battle on their behalf in London and Brussels.
Loyalists pelted her with eggs when she visited the fishing village of Portavogie and the Ulster Unionist Party tried to upstage her with a doomed proposal aimed at assisting farmers in debt, but the adverse publicity rebounded against the loyalists and the UUP.
Ms Rodgers also succeeded in preventing the chairman of the agriculture committee, the Rev Ian Paisley, from stealing her limelight. Farmers welcomed the fact there was a local minister to whom they could bring their complaints, but it was a tough and fairly thankless portfolio.
The SDLP Minister of Finance, Mark Durkan, was an able performer in his department and at the dispatch box. His big day was introducing a £9 billion budget, although this was inherited from the direct rule ministers.
Mr Durkan's main function was to ensure finances were allocated properly and evenhand edly to the departments. Judging by the absence of sniping from fellow ministers he managed successfully - an achievement itself in such a tricky and potentially explosive coalition.
Mr Michael McGimpsey, the UUP Minister of Culture, Arts and Leisure, might have some complaints however. As Minister for Fun this should have been the most PR-friendly of briefs, but under-funding prevented him fulfilling his early ambitions.
In real terms his budget for the arts, sport and leisure was effectively cut. The fact the allocation was the same as last year and did not account for inflation means he felt the winds of complaint from these sectors. He appeared ill-disposed to the notion of building a multi-million pound 40,000-seater all-purpose sports stadium, expressing a concern about "creating white elephants".
The SDLP Minister of Higher and Further Education, Sean Farren, had a very good week. He was able to give the final go-ahead for the £70 million Springvale Educational Village straddling nationalist and loyalist west and north Belfast, and initiate a review designed to increase the number of students from underprivileged backgrounds attending third-level education. A Dubliner with an academic background, he was said to be well regarded in his department.
The UUP Minister of the Environment, Sam Foster, while he did not ignite the Assembly or the executive, was said to be enthusiastic and thorough. A cautious man, he was nonetheless busy in his department. He was said to be happy to take the advice and guidance of his civil servants.
So, what's the overall verdict? A Stormont defender of the new regime said: "When you compare what's happening over in the Welsh Assembly where Tony Blair's friend Alun Michael was forced to resign as First Secretary, this operation has been running relatively smoothly and successfully.
"No matter what happens this experiment, it has been proved to actually work, and work a lot better than anybody expected."
And it's a fair point. The executive of nationalists, republicans and unionists, some of them slightly detached, did the business. The experience of power was a powerful aphrodisiac. After less than two months and two weeks, it was beginning to bed down. It just needed more time.