St Patrick's Day in Cardiff: it's a first for Conor O'Riordan, Ireland's recently appointed Consul General here, who also represents, as it happens, a first for Wales.
Interest in Tony Blair's big devolution project is gathering pace in the run-up to the Scottish and Welsh elections on May 6th. But the major focus, unquestionably, is on Edinburgh.
Dan Mulhall, our man there, is already surrounded by some 15 other diplomatic teams - ready for the advent of the Scottish Parliament, and the start of a journey which could lead to a radical redefinition of the union between Scotland and England, if not, ultimately, to Scottish independence.
For the moment at least Conor O'Riordan is on his own, leading the only professional government representation yet resident here.
That fact is an undoubted tribute to the far-sightedness of the Taoiseach, and of Ireland's Ambassador to Britain, Ted Barrington, who very early on recognised the need to change the nature of diplomatic representation here to have regard to the changing nature of relationships in Britain, and within these islands.
But it also confirms that for most outsiders (as, so far, for most of the British press) Scotland is regarded as the "sexy" story, with Wales, and the forthcoming elections for the National Assembly, regarded as something of a side-show.
Does Conor O'Riordan allow himself to think that, perhaps, he drew the short straw? He laughs and admits yes, that would be an outsider's perception, and also that "it does pass intermittently through my mind".
Economically, Wales represents perhaps one the least developed regions of the United Kingdom. And Cardiff, arguably Europe's youngest capital, might be thought to lack something of the beauty of Edinburgh, the antiquity of Scotland and the general romance and interest of that country's history.
"And yet," Mr O'Riordan insists, "the issues here have gathered interest. It seems to me there is a headline in terms of devolution . . . which is offering Wales a nation-building exercise, while remaining within the Union."
The ability to unite the country will be crucial to the new assembly's success. Recognised often as "a community of communities", Wales is "a country of great diversity and unity at the same time".
For the Consul General the fascination of the devolution process is the interplay between those forces representing what is sometimes characterised as "the three Waleses". He notes: "You can say in Wales that devolution is about strengthening the Union, and say it without a hint of cynicism, whereas in other parts you'd have to arch your eyebrows."
While outsiders might regard the emergent assembly as little more than a souped-up county council, he says: "To my mind the potential of the process as it plays itself out in Wales to become a template in some way for enhanced democracy and accountability, say in the regions of England, is considerable."
Some cynics (and some local pessimists) might say it has equal potential simply to wither on the vine. But Mr O'Riordan can't imagine it: "In a sense the reference to `the genie out of the bottle' applies to Wales." And despite the internal controversies sparked by the recent Labour leadership battle, he says "there is an evident and serious commitment by Whitehall" to ensure the assembly is both credible and successful from day one.
Indeed, given New Labour's sensitivity about Scotland and the danger of separatism, it occurs to me that making a success of devolution in Wales - as an instrument of securing the Union - may be all the more important for Whitehall. Mr O'Riordan readily concurs: "I'd agree with that."
Wales, he observes, is different in so many ways. Whereas nationalism is worn as "a badge of honour" in Ireland, here it can range from an attack on Labour's stranglehold on working-class support, to "the enemy in the last war".
Labour's representation at Westminster is at its highest since about 1906. And the very fact that the country is seen as "mono-cultural" prompts a tribute to the British government's "remarkable exercise in courage" in opening up the electoral system to ensure genuine "inclusivity" against a culture rooted in the concepts of "strong government" and first-past-the-post.
And yet . . . SNP leader Alex Salmond complains that only around 10 per cent of the Scottish budget is to be "devolved" to Edinburgh.
With significantly less power, can the Welsh really make a fist of it? It is generally agreed that much will depend on the calibre of people elected. And the consul says it's also important to remember that, "unlike Scotland, Wales - social, civic, economic, political, cultural, educational life - is integrated almost completely with the UK".
Mr O'Riordan's own feeling is that there is "a seriousness of purpose" to establish the assembly early on as a credible body, and that its links with Whitehall will be crucial.
But isn't it inevitable that, looking to Scotland, the Welsh will seek more and more power?
He doesn't think so, which is why, in turn, he believes "that Wales in its own way is a standalone focus of interest in constitutional reform in these islands, and a potential template for England".
As Ireland is committed to important constitutional change, so "there is a process under way here which is both similar and different - certainly similar and different to Scotland".
And it might, he suggests, offer lessons for Ireland, for example in the area of straight-forward decentralised local government. The concept is of "a region or a country having a sense of national pride . . . yet at the same time profoundly linked by many myriad connections to another, if you like, nation state".
So is Wales, to coin a phrase, offering London and Dublin a post-nationalist example? Mr O'Riordan replies: "To my mind it's possible. The political philosophers would have to look at it over time, probably with hindsight. The only point I'm making is that Wales should not be written off because `we know what's happening in Wales'. Because, frankly, when you're on the ground, and talking to people who are fired-up, you would be blind not to see there is a serious exercise afoot."
And, of course, for the Irish diplomatic mission here, as in Edinburgh, it is a very serious exercise, and not at all predicated on any assumptions about the eventual end result.
Indeed, far from merely a response to constitutional change in Britain, it is above all an expression of Dublin's commitment to enhancing east-west relations in the overall context of the Belfast Agreement: "We're here primarily because of innovative and courageous constitutional change in Ireland which has caused us to look at how we relate to our neighbours on the island of Ireland and outside of Ireland."