A number of very powerful people depart the centre stage of Irish politics following Dick Spring's resignation as leader of the Labour Party. They are the committed band of back room men who devoted their considerable talents in different fields to Mr Spring's leadership during the last 15 years. They worked tirelessly for him, paid and unpaid at times, in and out of government. Their loyalty was, uniquely, to him more than to the Labour Party.
The closest, Fergus Finlay and John Rogers, operated with him like a trinity: it was often difficult to distinguish which visionary script or legal advice was Dick Spring's own or, more accurately, delivered through him to the country at large. It seemed at times that the public image of Dick Spring embodied the best characteristics of the three. This judgment was often acknowledged by his rivals in other parties during Mr Spring's 15 years as leader: he had, without doubt, the best advisers in the business of politics.
The best-known of them, of course, was Fergus Finlay, who fuelled the weekend speculation that Mr Spring would retire when he tendered his own resignation after the presidential election results last Friday. A good scriptwriter, back room politicker and press spokesman, he saw his image develop as "the hate figure in Fianna Fail" after the turbulent events leading up to the fall of the Reynolds Coalition in 1994.
It is difficult to overestimate the contribution which Mr Finlay made to the governments in which Mr Spring served and politics generally, especially in the last decade. And, throughout all the ups-and-downs of that period, he has remained a deeply ideological man. He was awarded complete freedom to be Mr Spring's spokesman on all matters. Yet, unlike some of the other members of Mr Spring's cabinet, he never regarded himself as his best friend. He never socialised with him.
Mr Finlay leaves politics poorer than he entered it when he was plucked from the position of assistant general secretary of the Local Government and Public Service Union in Cork. He is now looking for a job. The contract which he has signed with RTE to present a late-night current affairs programme wouldn't pay his mortgage.
John Rogers first met Mr Spring in Trinity College in 1968, often sharing the Labour leader's rooms. He joined the Labour Party when Mr Spring entered the Dail in 1981. He went to work licking envelopes, driving cars and knocking on doors in North Kerry. He played the most prominent role of any non-politician when Mr Spring set about forming his first coalition government with Dr Garret FitzGerald.
He was rewarded for his work when Mr Spring, in the mid1980s, insisted that he be appointed Attorney General.
It is strange to remember now, after the barriers have been broken on the appointment of Labour Ministers for Finance and Foreign Affairs, that Mr Rogers made history by being the first Labour man to hold the post of Attorney General.
Mr Rogers's contribution to the policy and legislative frameworks of Mr Spring's governments is well documented. He leaves his lofty position as adviser to the Labour leader with Mr Spring, a measure, once again, of his commitment to the man more than the party.
The third key member of Mr Spring's kitchen cabinet was Mr Greg Sparks who, since the election in June, is back in his successful accountancy firm, Farrell Grant Sparks. He took secondment from his firm, the 12th-biggest accountancy firm in the State, to take up the position of programme manager in the Tanaiste's office.
A Labour party activist from his student days in UCD, it was a measure of his commitment to Mr Spring that he took a cut in salary to serve him in government.
The only other member of Mr Spring's cabinet was Mr Seamus Scally. He took a secondment from Greencore to serve as economic adviser to Mr Spring and retired when the government ended.
The unique feature about Mr Finlay, Mr Rogers, Mr Sparks and, less so, Mr Scally was their loyalty and exclusive service to the Spring leadership. They are Labour people. But they leave the leader's entourage with Mr Spring. The non-elected cabal, much criticised towards the end, is calling it a day, too.