IN PUBLIC they are wary of President Slobodan Milosevic's penchant for political trickery, but in private Yugoslavia's opposition leaders are talking about victory.
For Vuk Draskovic, the bearded, gaunt-faced poet who heads the coalition, gaining recognition for electoral victory in 14 Serbian cities could become a strange kind of success, a victory which could eventually force him out of active politics.
He will be the Zajedno (Together) coalition's candidate for the presidency of Serbia in elections which must be held before the end of the year. If he defeats Mr Milosevic, one of his first tasks will be to make the presidency politically redundant.
While the Democratic Party's Mr Zoran Djindjic will gain power as mayor of Belgrade and the small Civic Alliance's leader, Ms Vesna Pesic, will gain in public stature, Mr Draskovic will work towards his own political oblivion.
His Serbian Renewal Party (SPO) is committed to a parliamentary democracy. It would prefer the restoration of a constitutional monarchy under the pretender, Prince Alexander Karadjordjevic, but will settle for a ceremonial presidency instead.
Prof Milan Bozic, a member of the Serbian and Yugoslav parliaments, president of the SPO's political council and the most influential person in formulating Zajedno's policy, told The Irish Times that its main aim now was to reduce the all-pervasive power of the Serbian presidency, even if Mr Draskovic holds the post.
"We believe there are faults in the American system, that there is something very wrong with the Russian system and that even the French system is flawed. Our experience in this country makes us very wary of concentrating too much power in the hands of one person," he said.
"As a party we would prefer a restoration of the monarchy, but if the people want a ceremonial presidency, well and good. The people will, if we are successful, be given the chance to decide. We want to be a constitutional monarchy like Britain or Spain or a parliamentary democracy like Germany or Italy. It is the best choice for us."
Zajedno's first task, however, will be to ensure that Mr Milosevic finally keeps his word and hands over the big cities and towns, including Belgrade.
Then the coalition will have to show it can govern locally, even if funding from the central government is blocked by Mr Milosevic.
"Our first move will be to show that we are reliable people. We will say to the electorate, `Here we are, you don't have to be afraid. We are in power because you elected us. Serbia is now a democracy,' and even if we are starved of funds from the centre I don't think we can lose much support in the few months before the elections for the Serbian parliament and presidency."
Democracy for the entire region is the key as far as Prof Bozic is concerned.
"Everyone is prepared to agree to this in principle, but unfortunately no practical moves had been made in that direction by western governments. Something like the British way of thinking from the 19th century is still alive. They think: `This is an unstable region with a lot of primitive tribes and we should support the strongest tribal leader'."
But, Prof Bozic believes, the 80 days of pro-democracy demonstrations have gone a very long way to change that attitude.
"I have travelled a lot around- Europe, in Strasbourg, Brussels, London, Bonn, Paris and Rome, and everywhere I impress on people that there is another Serbia, that there is a perceptible opposition, perhaps not yet strong enough to take power, but we have proved at least that there is another Serbia, a Serbia not connected to Milosevic."
Prof Bozic, like all his colleagues, is still afraid President Milosevic will prevail. The very method of his conceding victory, by demanding a Bill to be passed in parliament to confirm the opposition successes, was, he says, designed to show that Mr Milosevic was all-powerful, and that the people did not decide who would run the 14 cities.
There were, he said, a number of possible scenarios for the future
"Unfortunately, all roads are open. The most optimistic scenario is that he (Mr Milosevic) will shift himself to the Federal (Yugoslav) level, with little power but a saving of face.
"The worst case would be to see his inner circle become smaller and smaller and developing siege mentality. This could push him towards irresponsible moves and one of the most obvious, and the most irresponsible, would be the ignition of Kosovo."
Kosovo, the ancient heartland of Serbia, the scene of its greatest sacrifice against Turkish domination, the historic centre of Serbian Orthodoxy, is now 90 per cent Albanian in population.
A move towards independence or union with Albania could be engineered to arouse Serbian nationalism once more, with Mr Milosevic as its natural leader.
"Such a scenario is possible but I don't think it will take place. Not only has Milosevic succumbed to the pressure of the international community but there has been pressure from inside as well.
"Those of his associates who have-made vast fortunes are now wanting to become legitimate. They want their money in banks instead of under the bed. They want Milosevic to integrate Serbia with the rest of the world. I think and hope they will succeed."
