LEADER'S ADDRESS: Edited version of Peter Robinson's speech to the DUP conference
The constitutional position of Northern Ireland may be settled and the terrorist campaign of the IRA ended, but there are new challenges that we must face.
It took the strong leadership of the DUP to get this far and it will take strong leadership from the DUP to see us through the testing times ahead.
We are prepared for them, but we will not solve the problems of tomorrow by re-fighting the battles of yesterday. It is easy to say "it is time to move on". But many have made great sacrifices along the way. For those of us in Northern Ireland who support the union, the flag we fly has been woven of heroism and resolve, yet at times with great grief and pain.
Our work in rebuilding our community and society will continue when we leave here but today we can celebrate. The conflict as we have known it is over. The union is secure and the people of Northern Ireland once again have control over their own affairs.
The role of political leadership in Northern Ireland was not a role that we were gifted. It is one that we earned. We earned it by winning the trust of the unionist electorate.
There was a time, not so long ago, when unionism under another party's leadership had lost its confidence and lost its way. People were talking about how republicans were receiving daily concessions and dictating the political agenda. People said that republicans always triumphed in negotiations and they argued they were on a trajectory to achieving a united Ireland.
But that was then and this is now, and no one is saying those things anymore.
Instead people are looking in the Sinn Féin ranks at people who remain trapped in a time-warp, fighting battles they have long since lost, pursuing aims nobody really cares about, prisoners of their own outdated political ideology, not having noticed that the world has moved on.
As the global economy is reeling and our local community looks to the Assembly for leadership and help, what is the Sinn Féin response? How do they respond to the needs of the people in the hour of need? They respond by obstructing the Executive from meeting and leaving those most at risk to fend for themselves. The powerlessness of opposition during direct rule was frustrating, but the paralysis of the Executive by Sinn Féin is unforgivable.
It is time that the media, the commentators and civic society clearly identify where the problem lies and expose them for it.
Who today would argue that we were wrong to hold out until Sinn Féin openly gave support to the police, the courts and the rule of law? We were told it would never happen, but we persevered until it did. Now they tell us that we cannot get policing and justice functions devolved in a way that meets our manifesto pledges and in a manner which can gain unionist confidence. Well, let me make it clear, we will persevere for however long it takes until we do.
For so long we were condemned as a party of opposition but today we are the major party of government in Northern Ireland. It may at first seem contradictory but going into government, even after our terms had been met, was at one and the same time, a difficult decision and a straightforward choice.
Taking the route back to powerlessness and irrelevance - would be sheer madness: madness for unionism, and madness for Northern Ireland.
The form of government we have entered is clearly not our first choice. But as a party we will honour all of our obligations and deliver on all of our pledges. If devolution falls it will not be because unionists have failed to live up to any agreement that we reached.
So, even if at present a shadow may have formed over it, devolution is good for Northern Ireland and it is also good for unionism. What on earth would a return to direct rule have to offer unionists? It would mean greater Dublin influence, interference and involvement in our affairs.
Unionism would once again be powerless and marginalised. However they may dress it up, this is the reality. The advocates of this alternative have much to say but nothing to offer.
I have argued that until the end of time there will be a clash between unionism and republicanism. We hear such nonsense about these matters. Does anyone believe that if you were to put the Conservative and Labour Parties in a mandatory coalition they would find common cause on all matters? Not a chance. They would be scratching each others eyes out.
The forces of unionism and republicanism are not ideologically compatible. It was this knowledge that led me to predict that there would be a battle a day. It was for this reason we have argued that this arrangement is not our final destination.
That doesn't mean that there are not issues upon which we can agree. Nor does it mean that we cannot agree how to take forward matters when we differ. The big difference, however, is that in this new era the tussle would be conducted by political means and resolved by advancing on areas of common ground.
After 40 years of painful, bloody conflict this party has been given the opportunity and the mandate to build a better society for everyone in Northern Ireland. And when I say everyone, I mean it. I say that not just because it is right, but because it also makes political sense. A successful and prosperous Northern Ireland will never be the preserve of one section of the community or the other. Rightly or wrongly, like it or not, we are all in this together.
I want to see a society where everyone can benefit from economic prosperity. That's why the present refusal to have an Executive meeting to deal with the hardship being faced by our people is so frustrating.
Who if they lose their job will be asking the question: "When are policing and justice powers going to be devolved to the Assembly?" But the devolution of policing and justice is not the only unfinished business. We have unfinished business too in reforming the system of government here away from mandatory coalition, reducing the number of government departments, resolving the parades issue and creating a more efficient public sector. I hope that those who have focused on the devolution of policing and justice will be just as keen to see our outstanding issues resolved.
To those who say that Sinn Féin topping the poll at the European election next June doesn't matter I want them to listen closely - I trust that the unionist electorate will give their answer to the vote-splitters who would bring about the dire circumstances of Sinn Féin topping the poll, about which Jim [Allister] has rightly warned them. Only the DUP can top the poll for unionism.
I have no doubt that in terms of advancing unionist ideals more can be gained by greater co-operation between ourselves and the Ulster Unionist Party.
During these past few months Northern Ireland has started to feel the effects of the economic crisis. This crisis was not made in Northern Ireland but we must deal with its consequences.
In a few weeks' time I hope that we will be able to bring a package of measures to the Executive and Assembly to get through the present difficulties and to build for the future. We must alleviate short-term hardship, boost our construction industry and ensure we keep our employment levels up.
Tomorrow our brave troops will parade through Belfast to celebrate their homecoming. I bitterly regret that Sinn Féin has chosen to hold a counter parade and protest but their backward looking approach must not be allowed to mar the occasion.
There is one potential advantage in republicans coming into the city centre for the homecoming parade. They'll be able to see what a real army looks like.
Let us work to leave a positive and powerful legacy for those who will come after us. And just as we today are grateful to those who fought to create Northern Ireland nearly a century ago, let us create a Northern Ireland that future generations can enjoy.
• Edited version of Peter Robinson's speech to the DUP conference