Gerry Adams speech (edited): An Céad - Centenary Year. One hundred years ago Sinn Féin was founded in this city.
When the idea of Sinn Féin was conceived Ireland was awakening from the nightmare of the 19th century. But even in the midst of these horrors some dared to dream of a different Ireland - a free Ireland. And from the beginning Sinn Féin extended a hand of friendship to unionists, while always asserting that the end of the Union was in the interests of all the people of this island.
It was a time of renewal and rebirth. It was a great period of debate, of exchanges of ideas as leaders and thinkers and activists, dreamers all, met and influenced each other.
The result was the 1916 Rising and the Proclamation of the Irish Republic, the founding document of modern Irish republicanism and a charter of liberty with international, as well as national, importance.
It is our task - our responsibility - to see this vision realised.
I want this evening to deal fairly and squarely with some issues, which are of huge importance to us.
Murder of Robert McCartney
I want to deal first of all with the dreadful murder of Robert McCartney. His murder was dreadful, not only because of the way he died, and not only because it robbed his family of a father, a partner, a brother, a son.
His murder was dreadful because some republicans were involved in it.
That makes this a huge issue for us.
As president of Sinn Féin, or as an individual, I could not campaign for the victims of British or unionist paramilitary thuggery if I was not as clear and as committed to justice for the McCartney family.
I have met with the McCartney family a number of times. And I remain in contact with them. I believe their demand for justice and truth is a just demand. I have pledged them my support and the support of this party.
Those responsible for the brutal killing of Robert McCartney should admit to what they did in a court of law. That is the only decent thing for them to do. Others with any information should come forward.
I am not letting this issue go until those who have sullied the republican cause are made to account for their actions.
Republicans reject criminality
Twenty-five years ago Margaret Thatcher couldn't criminalise us. The women prisoners in Armagh, and the blanketmen and the hunger strikers in Long Kesh wouldn't allow her. That was then; this is now.
Michael McDowell has stepped into Margaret Thatcher's shoes. But he will not criminalise us either, because we will not allow him. And we won't allow anyone within republican ranks to criminalise this party or this struggle. There is no place in republicanism for anyone involved in criminality.
Our detractors will say we have a particular view of what criminality is. We have not.
We know what a crime is, both in the moral and legal sense, and our view is the same as the majority of people. We know that breaking the law is a crime.
But we refuse to criminalise those who break the law in pursuit of legitimate political objectives. Are we saying republicans can do no wrong?
Of course not. We need to be as strong-minded in facing up to wrongdoing by republicans, as we are in opposing wrongdoing by anyone else. But we refuse to retrospectively criminalise a legitimate century-long struggle for freedom.
Campaigning for Irish unity
Sinn Féin is accused of recognising the army council of the IRA as the legitimate government of this island. That is not the case. The supreme governing and legislative body of Sinn Féin is the ardfheis. This is where this party makes its big decisions. This is where we elect our leadership, agree our policies and set in place our strategies.
I do not believe that the army council is the government of Ireland. Such a government will only exist when all the people of this island elect it.
Does Sinn Féin accept the institutions of this State as the legitimate institutions of this State? Of course we do. But we are critical of these institutions. We are entitled to be.
The freedom won by those who gave their lives in 1916 and in other periods, has been squandered by those who attained political power on their backs.
Apart from our criticism of the institutions themselves, the reality is that they are partitionist, and we want to see not only better institutions but open, transparent institutions of government representative of all the people of this island - and we make no apologies for that.
Peace process in crisis
In November 2003 Sinn Féin moved into becoming the largest pro-agreement party in the North. That followed a lengthy negotiation which commenced after our negotiating team had obtained a firm commitment to a date for the postponed Assembly elections from the British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
The Irish Government deeply resented our success in achieving that. Getting the British government to recognise that right was an achievement, but it was not the aim of our negotiations. It was a necessary prerequisite for them.
The aim of the negotiations was to get the Good Friday Agreement moving forward, anchored in the political institutions, including the Assembly, and the all-Ireland political infrastructure.
Our objective was clear. To restore the political institutions and end the crisis in the process.
Policing
Sinn Féin is actively working to create an accountable policing service. We support a range of restorative justice and community initiatives to deal with the problems created by the absence of an acceptable policing service in the north.
Let me digress briefly to make an important point. The policing vacuum cannot be filled by physical punishments, no matter how frustrated communities may be by those who engage in antisocial behaviour. There is no place for so-called punishment beatings or shootings.
Our party has a lengthy opposition to these.
They are counterproductive. They should stop.
Northern Bank Robbery
Then came news of the Northern Bank robbery. The IRA is accused of that robbery. And of other incidents. It denies this.
I accept those denials. Others don't. The truth is that no one knows at this time who did the robbery, except the people involved.
Martin McGuinness and I were accused by the Taoiseach of having prior knowledge. That is untrue. But one thing is for certain, activities like this have no place in the peace process.
The IRA
The British and Irish governments are seeking to reduce all of the issues to one - that is the issue of the IRA - even though it knows that the IRA is not the only issue. Historically and in essence, the Irish Republican Army is a response to British rule in Ireland. It is a response to deep injustice.
Our leadership is working to create the conditions where the IRA ceases to exist. Do I believe this can be achieved? Yes I do. But I do not believe that the IRA can be wished away, or ridiculed or embarrassed, or demonised or repressed out of existence.
Hundreds of IRA volunteers have fallen in the struggle. There is justifiable pride among republican families about the role of their loved ones.
When people decided to take up arms it was because they believed there was no alternative. But there is an alternative. That is a positive.
It is in tatters at this time. But it can be rebuilt. Let no one ignore, diminish or belittle the progress that has been made.
Republicans up for the challenge
The peace process has been one of the greatest achievements of this generation. And I'm not just talking about the republican contribution - though that should not be undervalued or dismissed.
We are determined to play a positive role both in the process and in the political life of this nation. Sinn Féin wants to tackle the problems now. It has never been in our interest to prolong the peace process. It does not serve those we represent, or the country as a whole.
A process as protracted as this one runs the risk of being undermined by those who are against change. Elements of the British system, elements of unionism and unionist paramilitaries, elements on the fringes of republicanism, do not want this process to succeed.
Building an Ireland of equals
Fundamental to Sinn Féin since its foundation has been the belief that the Irish people have the capacity to shape our own society, to build our own economy and to govern our own country to suit our needs and our character as a nation.
The past decade has seen an unprecedented growth in the Irish economy. But the management of that economy by the Government in this State has not challenged the deep-seated inequality in Irish society. This inequality exists at many levels.
The Government has not used the prosperity wisely for the benefit of the maximum number of people.
Sinn Féin needs to continue to grow. Our goal is to have a Sinn Féin cumann in every electoral ward across Ireland.
We have to open our party up to women and to people who will bring their own life experiences and values.
Let us all get our act together. Let us find a fair and equitable accommodation with unionism.
It is my conviction that the DUP and Sinn Féin will be in government together.
Let us put it up to the British government to do the right thing by Ireland. The most important thing we all have to do at this time is to rebuild the peace process.
We are up to that task. Turning back is not an option. We're moving forward - forward to a better future.