General election campaigns may not make a huge difference to how people vote in contemporary parliamentary democracies, given tight political and media control by party planners and voters' scepticism about commitments made on the hustings.
But they do serve to clarify the choices involved and test the mettle of political leaders over whether they can deliver on their policies.
While the UK's concluding campaign, with voting tomorrow, has not been among the most distinguished nor elevated in its long history, it has adequately fulfilled these functions. Based on its record in office and superior capacity and talent, the Labour Party deserves an unprecedented third term. Neither the Conservatives nor the Liberal Democrats have measured up to the challenge of office, even if they have effectively probed Labour's weaknesses in several important respects.
Among them Iraq has justifiably loomed large in the closing stages of the campaign. While it is not among the most salient issues for ordinary voters, it does raise the question of Mr Blair's trustworthiness as a leader. Many Labour activists are tempted to vote in protest for the Liberal Democrats on Iraq. This could endanger the party's majority - and hence Mr Blair's likelihood of surviving for long as party leader after the election. Overall, however, Labour's economic record is the key to its relative strength on election day, together with an associated delivery of health and educational benefits. Mr Blair's close campaigning with chancellor Gordon Brown over the last four weeks tells this story very clearly.
Ireland has a close interest in the result of this election, on who will oversee the peace process in Northern Ireland and run the British government over the next four or five years. Britain's economic performance, political direction and position in Europe all have a substantial impact here. In all of these respects the partnership built up since their respective elections in 1997 by Taoiseach Bertie Ahern and prime minister Tony Blair has been unprecedentedly close, politically and personally. Both men are determined to see it capped with success by restoring devolved government in the North, if conditions there allow. They have a lot in common, too, in these other policy areas.
Objective factors would impel alternative leaders to pursue a similar course; but the relationship would be somewhat different between a Taoiseach Kenny and a prime minister Brown. Were it to involve Michael Howard on the UK side, a major change of direction in Northern Ireland, and in Europe, would undoubtedly arise. The resulting uncertainties and instabilities are not worth the risk to British-Irish relations.
A third term for Mr Blair would open up a busy and important European agenda for him, including the EU presidency later this year and the subsequent referendum on the EU constitution. But it would be foolhardy to expect him to bring the UK into the euro - and even more so Mr Brown.