The depth and breadth of the National Day of Mourning vividly expressed Ireland's sympathies with the victims of this week's mass murders in the United States. The State came to a standstill yesterday in response to the tragedy and the profound realisation it has brought about of how distinctively close we are to the American people in terms of human, cultural and commercial contacts. This is in addition to the feeling of common humanity that has been so much a part of the worldwide response, an extraordinary affirmation of unity in grief and solidarity marked in ceremonies throughout Europe yesterday.
That reaction from the whole of the civilised world and the values expressed by it must guide political leaders as they decide how to react to the attacks, which President George W. Bush has described as the first war of the 21st Century. So far his administration has been calm and steadfast in pursuing its investigations of those responsible within the United States and around the world. There is mounting pressure on them to launch an immediate retaliatory attack. But Mr Bush has pledged to take the necessary time to determine precisely who is to blame, rather than reacting in blind anger. It is very much to be hoped that whatever is decided will affirm civilised democratic values, in co-operation with his country's friends and allies.
Ireland emerges from this dreadful week as a particular friend of the United States and its people, so many millions of whom hail from here. That shows in the list of fatalities, whether of first or older generations of Irish-Americans or people working there temporarily. It shows in the spontaneous expressions of grief and mourning, in the long queues outside the US Embassy yesterday and in the intensity with which news of the disaster has been followed during the week. It is clear in the many cultural, investment and trade relations on whom hundreds of thousands of Irish workers depend for their livelihood. It is movingly affirmed in the Government's statements and those of the President, Mrs McAleese.
Mrs McAleese has referred to the attacks as a "crime against the foundations of our common humanity" and vowed to stand shoulder to shoulder with the American people in their hour of adversity. Yesterday she hoped it would be possible to respond to the attacks within the spirit of the universal principles underlying the United Nations Charter. That is the appropriate benchmark to judge both the crime and the response to it. In the light of those principles there is no room for a neutral stance - Ireland's military neutrality is subject to its UN obligations. Those responsible must be identified and brought to justice. The US has a right of self-defence against such acts of war. But it should also act proportionately and in such a way as to affirm its own democratic values. Benjamin Franklin put it like this in 1759: "They that give up essential liberty to obtain a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety".
Ireland has joined its fellow European Union member-States in stating its political solidarity with the United States in this crisis. By virtue of its current membership of the UN Security Council, which it will chair next month, Ireland could have an important role to play as this international drama plays out in coming weeks. The wider the consensus that can be developed there about how to handle it the better from all points of view. If the US response is inspired only by vengeance or simple retaliatory action against Afghanistan, for example, if could easily rebound by recruiting even more people to the terrorist network responsible for this week's atrocities. An effective long-term campaign against this scourge of the modern world must tackle its root causes in misery, despair and injustice as well as the suicidal and fanatical individuals who carried out these outrages. That is best done through maximum international co-operation involving states all around the world and at different stages of development.
Ireland has lessons of its own to draw from these grave events. The peace process in Northern Ireland is at a standstill, stuck on an impasse about decommissioning paramilitary arms, reforming policing and scaling down the British military presence. That all involved are fortunate to have the opportunity and the mechanisms to reach a peaceful resolution of the conflict is surely a prime lesson from what has happened in New York and Washington. It should be clearly learned by Sinn FΘin and the Provisional IRA as they contemplate an utterly changed political and security landscape in the United States. Just before these tragedies the sharp message that terrorist methods and an involvement with paramilitary forces in Colombia are incompatible with an engagement of this administration was formerly delivered by Mr Bush's special adviser on Northern Ireland, Mr Richard Haass. How much more is it applicable now? - infinitely more. No more appropriate a gesture could be made by the IRA than to re-engage immediately with the de Chastelain commission and begin to put their arms beyond use.
This has been a terrible week for the United States and the world community. How we respond to these events will probably determine the pattern of international affairs well into the century to come. Suddenly the profound importance of political leadership has been demonstrated for an anxious and concerned global citizenry. Following yesterday's moving day of mourning Ireland's people are more fully aware of what is at stake.