Tuesday morning last. Phone call. Backbench TD. "Word on the corridors is that Bertie's gunning for your branch of the Party."
What are you talking about, my branch of the Party? I'm out of politics.'
"The Country and Western Alliance. That branch." As it turned out, the Taoiseach was not "gunning" for anyone. The Taoiseach, his eye, as always, on consensus and cohesion, promoted from within that informal grouping.
The move confirmed a uniquely Ahern characteristic. He displays clarity and expedition in promoting people not of his camp, whereas he displays slowness and lack of clarity when it comes to any tough decision involving those close to him.
The Ministers most in tune with him talk of him as one of the most compassionate men they've met. Deputies not close to him tend to discount compassion and propose conspiracy-management, instead.
Thus, after Ray Burke's resignation, a conspiracy theory sprouted to the effect that Bertie Ahern had four problems when he became leader of Fianna Fail. They were: Charles Haughey, Albert Reynolds, Maire GeogheganQuinn and Ray Burke. And look at him now: all four problems gone. Who said he was the most cunning, etc.?
This is to impute an unlikely talent for strategic conspiracy to Ahern. As one of the four "problems", my removal was not engineered by the leader and was not contributed to by him. So there's a four-legged conspiracy theory missing a leg straight away.
Ahern's loyalty to his own is legend. But a leader has to be, above all, decisive and be seen as such by the public.
The most efficient way of dealing with the planning issue would have been to refer it to the Moriarty Tribunal, which would have forced those making allegations to come out and (a) own them and (b) substantiate them. This option was not taken I suspect for the same kind of reasons that prompted the Taoiseach to include Ray Burke in his Cabinet in the first place.
Last June 14th, writing about Cabinet choices in this column I said: "Avoiding the appointment of someone carrying historical baggage has to be a priority. Ahern has managed, without the crudity of a phrase like `new Fianna Fail', to put distance between his team and any earlier ethical shoddiness, and he will be at pains to avoid appointing someone to Cabinet who might be used to close that distance."
The words were carefully chosen. There was no suggestion that any of the Cabinet choices would act in any way reminiscent of old, bad, patterns. What was suggested was that others would use anyone carrying such baggage to paint Ahern's administration as being close to the bad old days.
That is precisely what has happened. Ray Burke became a minister and performed superbly. But the historical baggage brought him to his knees - as was predictable.
There's a line from Christopher Marlowe that goes: "But that was another country, and, besides the wench is dead." No doubt Ray Burke feels that the time of £30,000 donations left -
no strings attached - on a table for a TD is almost like another country. He was doing work of national worth in the present which outweighted any allegations about the past.
The page-by-page release of documentation by both anonymous and named enemies was, he would feel, achieving public attention less for the intrinsic merit of the old issue than because it was capable of destroying him. No doubt he believes the suggestion made in this newspaper, that my reason for initiating the inquiry in late Autumn 1994 was motivated by enmity towards him.
Not so. What happened was that towards the end of October 1994 and in the middle of the Judicial Appointments controversy, the then FG spokesman on Justice, Gay Mitchell, put down a Parliamentary Question on the Saudi passports. It wasn't reached at Question Time and so as is normal practice Mitchell got a written reply.
I read the file then for the first time and was deeply concerned about a number of aspects of it. I asked that an inquiry be initiated. The Government fell shortly thereafter and that inquiry became the responsibility of the new minister.
But, having initiated the investigation, would I not, as I left government, have gone running to ingratiate myself with the new leader by warning him about what might be in Department of Justice files about Ray Burke?
As the Taoiseach can confirm, I literally never initiated a discussion with him about the matter. When the Taoiseach requested information on the matter, I responded, but there was never a move made by me to damage Ray Burke with Bertie Ahern.
I would not claim to understand what Ray Burke is going through, nor would he want my sympathy. I can, however, reassure him of one thing. Being outside the Dail has many unexpected benefits. Not least of which is the realisation that when someone rings you and begins the conversation with that hushed phrase: "Word on the corridors is . . .", it no longer has the power to reach you.
That said, and acknowledging Burke's substantive contribution on the North, it would be my view that the Government has gained by the three resulting promotions.
David Andrews is a highly-regarded representative of Ireland on the international stage, and a reflective and considered negotiator. Michael Smith, in one single area of his career, has shown boundless courage in the face of powerful vested interests. That was when he introduced tough new drink-driving laws.
He found it through, making himself unpopular in the process with a large number of traditional Fianna Fail supporters in the drinks business - and it saved lives. If Smith brings to his current portfolio that sense of direction and commitment, he will establish himself as a more formidable contributor than people have yet realised.
Noel Treacy is so apparently affable and easy-going that it's easy to miss the essence of the man. In fact, he is independent, hardworking and highly intelligent.