The latest round of constitution making in Algeria confirms all too clearly, alas, Lord Acton's celebrated maxim: "Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely". Behind the rhetorical facade of official announcements that 11 million voters, nearly 80 per cent of the electorate, participated in last Thursday's constitutional referendum there may be clearly discerned the continuing deadly confrontation between Algeria's military and the political, social and religious forces ranged against it. It seems most unlikely that this referendum has contributed anything hopeful to the prospect of reaching a political accommodation in a conflict which has killed tens of thousands of people in the last five years.
As reports in this newspaper have made plain in recent days, one must beware of making facile assumptions about the nature of the conflict in Algeria. Not all the forces ranged on the governments side are secular or western and not all the opposition to its rule are fundamentalist Islamic, for example. There are many layers of social privilege and inequality running through these divisions; the role of religion takes on a complex function of criticism and rejection of the structures of power, as well as a convenient cover for the most appalling terrorist violence. Within the so called bloc of fundamentalist groups are to be found many who are anxious to promote a genuine political dialogue with the military authorities and who are heartily sickened by the damage being done to their own society and its international reputation by these events.
Since the opposition boycotted this referendum it is virtually impossible to be confident that the results announced by the military government can lay the ground for such a dialogue. It is nonetheless worth recalling that the turnout figure of 76 per cent in presidential elections one year ago, which saw Mr Liamine Zeroual elected with 60 per cent of the votes against four independent candidates, carried considerable credibility. It was reported at the time that many people who would normally not have extended legitimacy to the military regime were prepared to do so in disgust at the rampant terrorism organised by the extreme Armed Islamic Group (GIA). In its response to that election the mainstream Islamic opposition group, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), said it was willing to enter talks with the new president, whom it described as the "valid negotiator to lead the talks on the side of the effective power".
Unfortunately the last year shows that this opportunity for a real political dialogue about Algeria's future has been squandered in yet more rounds of military confrontation, death squads and the assertion of absolute power by the government. Unfortunately, too, for the Algerians, their European neighbours are left to look on helplessly at this powder keg of instability; They are seemingly powerless to help the parties to the negotiating table, although there are signs that a determined international initiative could reap benefits. In a courageous demonstration of confidence in the future more than a thousand prominent Algerians have signed an appeal calling for such a dialogue. But who is listening to them?