The use of well-trained troops and military resources for humanitarian relief and delivery of aid has been dramatically highlighted by the Indian Ocean disaster.
This puts a different gloss on military intervention, raising the question of whether it must always be to impose power and protect interests, rather than coming to the aid of embattled communities or helping to create peacekeeping or peace-making solutions for endemic conflicts.
Ireland is to send a small number of troops to Sri Lanka to help with reconstruction there, while naval helicopters from the large powers have been indispensable in bringing immediate relief to isolated coastal communities. There have also been calls for a standing United Nations disaster response group in anticipation of further crises like this. The European Union has agreed to explore the creation of a similar group, probably including a military component.
The climate of concern arising from the tsunami disaster creates a constructive context in which to debate the commitments made by Ireland to develop the EU's security and military structures. Two major elements are involved. The Government has agreed to contribute 800 troops to the European Rapid Reaction Force in coming years. This will fulfil the EU objective of creating a force of 60,000 troops capable of intervening in crisis-management, peace-making, peacekeeping and humanitarian and rescue tasks within 60 days of a decision, and staying in the field for up to one year. The precise configuration of this force is still under discussion. Ireland would contribute to specific operations on a case-by-case basis, after decisions to do so by the Government and the Oireachtas and when a United Nations mandate is agreed.
This procedure would also apply to the separate commitment to participate in the 11 EU "battle groups" of 1,500 troops apiece, which are to be set up by 2007. They would combine highly trained forces from several states with air and naval support and be deployed for up to 120 days shortly after being called on for rapid intervention to stop a situation spiralling out of control or to prepare the way for a larger UN force, as recently in the Congo.
The Government is reluctant to activate these commitments, possibly for fear they would complicate the referendum on the EU constitutional treaty or the next general election. Legal and constitutional obstacles are being suggested to training Irish troops with those from other EU states here or elsewhere and operating at short notice.
It would be a mistake to back away from the commitments. There is public support for them if they use Ireland's proven military and humanitarian expertise to good advantage. This shows up clearly in opinion polls and in the pride taken by Irish people in the effective use of troops in UN operations as well as humanitarian ones. Switching Ireland's international commitments towards the EU's new structures is a rational and useful expression of that support so long as they have a UN mandate.