Among the skills and competences required of modern taoisigh, the ability to handle Ireland's involvement and defend its interests in the European Union looms large. The same applies to many ministerial portfolios, especially those dealing with economic affairs, foreign policy, justice and environmental issues. And yet there is little discussion of these matters during the election campaign, or of the various policies on the EU put forward by the different political parties and competing coalitions. It would be wrong to take them for granted, since they can indicate which among the choices on offer could best deal with the international challenges facing Ireland over the next five years.
In terms of solid experience and achievement, Bertie Ahern's record of handling EU affairs stands out over the last 10 years. This culminated in the 2004 EU presidency when Ireland brokered agreement on the constitutional treaty and oversaw EU enlargement from 15 to 25 members. Events have since moved on after the French and Dutch referendums rejected the constitution two years ago. The ground is now being prepared for a compromise outcome in which the document will be stripped of its constitutional wrappings but left with most of its institutional reforms intact. Whoever wins next week will have this issue as an immediate agenda item at next month's European Council in Brussels. Although Enda Kenny cannot match Mr Ahern's direct experience in EU affairs, he and his Labour colleagues can muster a strong range of expertise and statecraft from among their likely ministerial make-up.
Policy disagreements between Fine Gael, Labour and the Greens on EU issues could nonetheless complicate negotiations on a coalition between them. Whereas Fine Gael favours closer European integration, notably in defence and security, both Labour and the Greens want to see Ireland's neutrality constitutionally protected against any encroachment. Such tension should not be overlooked in the campaign. It runs parallel to another issue facing the new government - whether a referendum would still be required here on a slimmed-down treaty. The current manoeuvrings of the German EU presidency are aimed precisely at removing that option elsewhere by facilitating parliamentary ratification.
There are similar differences of emphasis between the parties on a social versus a liberal Europe, on transatlantic relations and on the EU's role in environmental protection and climate change. Such is the nature of modern governance that the EU dimension frequently constrains domestic policy and takes up a large proportion of ministerial time. Voters should be made more aware of this reality and need more information on it.
On one major issue there is a remarkable convergence between all the political parties - that Ireland's 12.5 per cent rate of corporation tax should stand and not be threatened by a harmonised EU policy. Voters must decide who would best defend that interest.