Floating voters like Government's record

In a recent column, Garret Fitz-Gerald outlined five principal factors which in his view will influence how floating voters decide…

In a recent column, Garret Fitz-Gerald outlined five principal factors which in his view will influence how floating voters decide their votes ( Winning the support of floating voters will be crucial, Opinion, January 6th). While I would agree with most of his list (although I would have added environmental sustainability to it), there were aspects of the former Fine Gael leader's analysis which deserve a response.

On the economy, FitzGerald asserted that attempts to paint the Labour Party as "potentially irresponsible in relation to fiscal policy" would not make much headway. But FitzGerald's analysis overlooked at least two reasons why voters may consider the Labour Party potentially irresponsible in relation to fiscal policy.

Firstly, there is the practice of Labour leader Pat Rabbitte to seek extra taxes even though there are already ample resources for public spending. Rabbitte wants a wealth tax ( The Irish Times, February 24th, 2003). He wants to increase capital gains tax rates ( The Irish Times, October 17th, 2005). He wants to "rebalance the income tax system" (Labour Party statement September 19th, 2005) and to "comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable" (Clonmel, September 2005).

That instinct to tax is scary to me and to anyone who believes in the proven principle of low tax as an instrument of social and economic justice.

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And secondly, there is the practice of Labour representatives to bemoan "lack of resources" when confronted by any public sector problem, notwithstanding the high levels of spending under this Government. The Labour Party's default mode of seeking more public spending even when not confronted by a serious problem is a source of concern to me.

I find it surprising that FitzGerald doesn't seem to share these concerns given the role which Labour's stance on economic policy played in bringing his second government to a premature end in 1986 because it rejected his economic proposals.

Turning to the issue of inequality, FitzGerald referred to "the greatly increased inequalities that Fianna Fáil have allowed to distort our society, making it one of the most unequal in Europe". This assertion was baldly made without any supporting evidence. Just because some people believe this does not make it true.

These are the facts: firstly, Ireland does not have one of the most unequal societies in Europe. In fact, we have lower levels of income inequality than social-democrat governed Spain, Italy and the UK.

Secondly, this Government has consistently worked to reduce inequality. Look at welfare. Under the Rainbow Government, welfare rates grew at less than half the rate of growth of the average industrial wage. But they have grown about 30 per cent faster than the growth in the average industrial wage under this Government. That is a concrete, expensive and worthwhile step to reduce inequality. Look at income tax. Since 1997, the proportion of total income tax paid by the top 1 per cent of earners has grown from 14 per cent to 20 per cent.

FitzGerald asserted that the record of the present Government in tackling vested interests has been "remarkably poor". But again the facts show otherwise.

In the face of considerable opposition from medical quarters, the National Treatment Purchase Fund has slashed hospital waiting lists.

It was this Government which tackled the previously untouchable taxi monopoly.

Court procedures have been reformed and the Personal Injuries Assessment Board established. These initiatives have slashed insurance costs, regardless of disgruntlement in legal circles.

Then there is the smoking ban in places of work. This initiative improved conditions for workers and customers, although some in the vintner trade fought against it.

The establishment of the Garda Reserve proceeded despite opposition from some Garda representative bodies.

Many of these reforms are associated with my colleagues Michael McDowell and Mary Harney. By contrast, Fine Gael opposed the abolition of the Groceries Order and the proposal for cafe bars, thereby caving in to a vested interest. And the Labour Party is handcuffed to the trade union position when discussing any public sector reform, such as bus transport.

My party has spent a large part of its 21-year history inside government. These periods have coincided with times of unprecedented success. That success didn't happen by chance; it was the product of good policy which unleashed the talents of Irish workers.

We have repeatedly confounded our critics on the left. Whether you like them or not, our proposals are consistent and clear - unlike the frequently confused offerings of the so-called Mullingar Accord parties. I think floating voters will spot that.

Governance, like life, is a fallible business. The biggest single achievement in politics in the last 10 years has been achieving full employment and record levels of growth.

We are proud to stand on our record, and we are still ambitious for Ireland.

Liz O'Donnell is deputy leader of the Progressive Democrats.