It is clear that a European constitution is close to adoption, writes Martin Mansergh. The Irish delegation in Brussels will be pleased if it can be cleared this weekend to leave the decks free for the Irish presidency.
Political debate is beginning to stir. Before entering into heated arguments about the various changes involved in adopting a constitution for Europe, we need to remind ourselves to distinguish the wood from the trees.
Membership of what is now the European Union has been the making of Ireland. The relatively poor, peripheral and rural land of even 50 years ago has made way for a country that can compete successfully with the best. We have closed the income gap on our partners. If we are still behind in some respects, we are ahead in others. We not only sit at the top table. We can influence our environment.
This State does not live in Britain's shadow any more, which has contributed along with partnership in the peace process to a great improvement in British-Irish relations. The principal enabler of this transformation has been the European Union. Present generations can live in a Europe largely at peace. Like other member-states, we strive within the Union to protect and promote our interests and ideals. If there should be the slightest doubt about the voluntary nature of the Union and the continuing sovereignty of each member-state, it is dispelled by the article confirming any state's right to withdraw from the Union on an agreed basis.
When we come to vote on the constitution, we will be deciding whether we wish there to be a new Union and whether we wish to be part of it.
People who have opposed the EU's evolution every step of the way over 30 years will shift once more to a new dialectical position of arguing for the status quo against further change. If we want a Union of 25 member-states, or more, to function effectively, which we have every interest in, then we have to be prepared to support these changes.
Eurosceptics see the EU as a constant threat rather than an opportunity, a bloated ogre overwhelming smaller and weaker states with an avalanche of alien directives. They utterly ignore the high level of Irish input into decisions likely to affect us. Next year, three Irishmen, Bertie Ahern, Pat Cox and David O'Sullivan, will be, respectively, President of the European Council, Secretary-General of the EU Commission, and President of the European Parliament. Ministers led by Brian Cowen will be chairing Councils of Ministers meetings, with Ministers of State representing Ireland's national position.
Many of our best officials serve in the Permanent Representation in Brussels, or regularly attend European meetings from home. Our MEPs play an increasingly important role in co-decision making.
We will still enjoy a high degree of freedom of action as a sovereign State.
Where we do not, as for example under the Common Agricultural Policy, the common currency, and external trade policy, it is almost wholly to our advantage to pool our sovereignty. It is wonderful to be able to travel through Europe, without having to change currency, and it is making our competitiveness (or lack of it) more transparent.
Budgetary policy is still largely a matter for member-states. That was as much what was behind the spat a couple of weeks ago between France and Germany and the EU Commission. Competition, rather than uniformity will invigorate the Union, which is why unanimity on tax policy will remain.
Our tradition of friendly and positive neutrality/non-alignment to which most of us remain committed, and which is shared with Finland, Sweden, Austria, Malta and Cyprus will continue to be respected, under a formula first devised between Prime Minister Andreotti and Taoiseach Charles Haughey in Rome in 1991, and then incorporated in successive treaties. Others in principle can develop a European military fall-back capacity, where NATO as such will not act. The emphasis of the European Union's external action will continue to be political, economic, peacekeeping and humanitarian rather than military, and that is the big difference with the United States. The actual EU is the resultant of the different forces and tendencies within it. Its direction cannot simply be read from what the President of the Commission or other prominent personality might say.
An EU of 25 needs states, including our own, prepared to give leadership and take the initiative. We do not have to agree with every Franco-German proposal to be grateful for the indispensable role that their co-operation has played in bringing the Union to where it is today.
The French and German governments were immensely helpful to Ireland during our first decades of membership, over the CAP, structural and cohesion funds, and monetary co-operation. We should be very wary of depicting good friends as bogeymen.
I hope that many of those opposed to further EU evolution or Ireland's participation in it will pause and think through their positions.
The tired cliches of reactionary Thatcherite Euroscepticism are transmitted to us through sections of the British media that hold their own government in thrall.
Even when covered with a thin anti-globalist coating, that outlook has nothing to offer Ireland. I cannot think of any good reason why Ireland, North or South, would want to send diehard Eurosceptics or electoral opportunists pretending to be such to the European Parliament next June, where our number of seats will be reduced by two to 13, that is, if we want to exercise real rather than marginal influence.
The Northern Ireland electorate will almost certainly return John Hume. He has far the strongest European credentials and networking skills on either side of the community.
The EU under its new constitution is not about to become a neo-liberal militarised superstate - that would be pure caricature.
The EU is a force for peace, development and social and environmental progress. Joined next May by 10 new member-states, we need to stay in there shaping it.