The Green Party has come of age, writes Noel Whelan. It has had the courage to ignore the taunts of many in the perpetual protest movements, step up to the plate and become a party of government.
The history of the Green Party has been one of gradual transformation from a loose movement devoted largely to environmental issues into a substantial, if still small, political party. The party's incremental electoral advance has also been marked by a growing sophistication and professionalism in its operation at parliamentary and organisational levels.
The most significant moment in the Green Party's history before this week was the 2002 election, when it almost doubled its vote share and increased its seats from two to six. I recall on the night of the 2002 election count Ciarán Cuffe, then a newly elected TD for Dún Laoghaire, making the point on television that gaining this critical mass in the Dáil would give the party improved infrastructure, State funding and support personnel which would enable it to be more effective in the Dáil and as a party nationally.
His assessment proved correct, and during the life of the 29th Dáil the Green Party had a more prominent presence. Its parliamentarians punched above their weight. It published a range of comprehensive and distinctive policy positions, not only on its traditional issues but also on diverse areas including childcare and the elderly.
The Green Party was also blessed with the headlines generated by concerns about climate change. There was a period this spring when almost all media were dominated by coverage of green issues. This was the primary reason why the party's support level reached the dizzy heights of 9 per cent in some polls.
The party didn't achieve such support during the election itself. Its issues were sidelined during what was at times a bizarre election campaign, with the first half dominated by the Taoiseach's personal finances and the second half by the head-to-head contest between the alternative taoisigh. Although the smaller parties and Independents came under pressure in the election, the Green Party did best at holding its ground. In the circumstances, it was no mean achievement to hold six seats, with Mary White's win in Carlow-Kilkenny compensating, at least in numerical terms, for the loss of Dan Boyle's seat in Cork South Central.
However, its performance since the election has been the Green Party's finest hour. Its leader and spokespeople were a bit all over the place during the weekend of the election count, but they quickly got their act together. They went to ground for a week and then imposed some discipline on the party during negotiations with Fianna Fáil.
These talks took longer than expected, but it may have suited both sides to drag them out until almost the last moment. The focus on the negotiations with the Greens enabled Fianna Fáil to conduct simultaneous talks with the Progressive Democrats and the Independents below the radar. The length of the talks and the fact that they walked away from them last weekend enabled Trevor Sargent and his negotiating team to go to the Mansion House last Wednesday with a deal which they could describe as hard won.
The drawn-out nature of the negotiations and the extent of the media attention surrounding them gave rise to overly optimistic expectations of what the Greens could achieve in the programme for government. The Green Party negotiators and parliamentarians were more realistic. They recognised the limitations of their mandate and understood the realpolitik; namely, that although they had six deputies, Fianna Fáil had 78, and even though Bertie Ahern wanted to include the Green Party in his Government, he did not actually need to.
On Wednesday there was a flood of calls to radio programmes from people claiming to be Green Party voters expressing disappointment at the programme for government and accusing the party of a sell-out.
The attitude among Green Party supporters in general was more accurately reflected by the 87 per cent support achieved at the party's extraordinarily democratic conference in the Mansion House that evening.
Much of the negative comment about the Green decision to enter Government has come from Fine Gael and Labour supporters, whose palpable anger at their own loss is now misdirected at the Green Party leadership. Some of it has also come from elements in the media unhappy at the repositioning of Fianna Fáil now that the Green Party is in Government.
Too much of the media assessment of the deal made by the Green Party has focused on the text of the joint programme for government, rather than the significance of the ministries which the party secured.
Although the speculation was that it might get one full ministry and a super junior, it achieved two full ministries. John Gormley and Eamon Ryan will hold real power in two substantial departments for five years. Day in and day out they will decide where effort and money should be prioritised, which legislation to fast-track and what Ireland's position at European ministerial councils will be. It may be that much of the programme's environmental and energy commitments had been promised by Fianna Fáil anyway, but the fact that two able Green politicians will sit at ministerial desks in these departments means that the proposals will happen, and sooner. Once they settle in, they will also be able to identify additional mechanisms and funding lines to move their agenda forward.
Many of the most significant policy changes introduced in this State never appeared in a programme for government or an election manifesto. Instead, they emerged from a decision by a minister to take a dramatic initiative. Micheál Martin's decision on the smoking ban is the most significant recent example. Dramatic things can also be expected from each of the two new Green Party Ministers.
Protesting on the outside is easy politics. Getting involved in exercising executive power is more demanding but also more effective.