Sinn Fein's continuing commitment to the terms of the Belfast Agreement and its decision to seek a series of formal and informal meetings with the Ulster Unionist Party over the course of the summer are positive signals emerging from the political gloom of Northern Ireland. The favourable response by the UUP to that overture must also be welcomed. A lack of trust between the two parties, linked to the twin difficulties of decommissioning and the establishment of an executive, is the single largest obstacle to progress. Detailed discussions at such meetings, in public and in private, could go some way towards addressing the concerns of both parties.
In its twelve-page document, Sinn Fein spoke of republicans "understanding the historic nature and the monumental shifts that are required if the peace process is to succeed". And it concluded that the process could not succeed without the positive involvement of Mr Tony Blair. A unionist veto could not be allowed to derail the process, Mr Gerry Adams said. In addition - and with a weather eye on simmering anger in the republican constituency over the rejection by the UUP of The Way Forward - Sinn Fein deferred a decision on whether it would engage in a review of the Agreement that will be chaired by former US Senator, George Mitchell, in the autumn .
It will come as no surprise that Sinn Fein should avail of an opportunity to complain of the failure by Mr David Trimble and the British Government to give effect to the terms of the Belfast Agreement in the recent, extended and difficult negotiations at Stormont. And the party's demand that Mr Blair should continue to advance the peace process is consistent with its longstanding demand that the British Prime Minister should play the role of persuader. Sinn Fein's commitment to the Belfast Agreement and to the democratic process was reflected by its press conference at Stormont, yesterday, rather than a retreat to its traditional support base of west Belfast. And while an announcement on whether the party will participate in Senator Mitchell's review was postponed yet again, that may be a tactic designed to carry the party over the fallow month of August.
The decision by the British Prime Minister to allow Dr Mo Mowlam to remain on as Northern Ireland Secretary of State will go some way towards reassuring nationalists at this stage of the process. Apart from her political abilities and detailed knowledge of the situation, Ms Mowlam's courage in dealing with paramilitary groupings and her commitment to securing a balanced settlement has been notable. The fact that the unionist parties demanded her dismissal made the position particularly difficult. Even had he wanted to reward her with other responsibilities, the British Prime Minister would have been constrained by the volatility of the situation in Northern Ireland and by the sensitivities of nationalists who would have regarded her replacement at this time as a concession to unionists.
It now remains for Senator Mitchell to conduct his review in September in order to break the deadlock that surrounds the establishment of an executive and the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms by May 2000. At the same time, Dr Mowlam will remain in charge as the Patten Commission reports on the restructuring of the RUC.