Regime change in Syria
Bashar Al Assad has fled Damascus, and rebels led by Hayat Tahrir Al Sham have seized the capital, officially bringing an end to 53 years of Assad family rule.
The press releases of almost all western leaders have had a tone of celebration, welcoming this news. Yet if you look at a map of Syria, reflect on other nations’ experiences since the Arab Spring, and listen to the sentiments expressed by various Syrians, you might be concerned.
Syria now finds itself shared by Kurds in the northeast, Turkish militias in the north, small Daesh provinces in the centre, Russian forces on the coast, a small base of American troops, and lastly the Free Syrian Army.
There is zero guarantee that Syria will not merely become the next Libya which, 13 years on from Gaddafi’s death, fails to meet any definition of a functioning nation state, fractured with two men claiming power, Khalifa Haftar and Mohamed al-Menfi.
I could do little more than laugh at the suggestion of a “free election” to decide Syria’s rulers going forward. Look at Egypt: having deposed President Mubarak in 2011 and being touted as a potential bright light of a democracy to-be, the country went through a troublesome election campaign only for an Islamist to be elected, then overthrown by the military in the form of Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi, who has held an iron grip on power since.
Lastly, look at who is now the face of this surge, Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani. This is a man who was radicalised by the killing of over 3,000 Americans in 9/11, idolised Ayman Al-Zawahiri of al-Qaeda and had a friendship and alliance with the later leader of Isis, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.
I believe that some restraint and caution must be exercised by western leaders hailing this movement and man as semi-heroes. – Yours etc,
JAMIE O’MAHONY,
South Circular Road,
Limerick.
Political innocence
Sir,
In what I’m sure was intended as a compliment, Joe Humphreys describes the Green Party as being “politically innocent” and argues for the need for “childlike idealism” in the next government (“This column is not for cynics: In praise of political innocence”, December 9th).
The real naivety and idealism in Irish politics is the notion that we can continue on with business as usual while the environmental ecosystem we all rely on is collapsing. It would be more accurate to say that the Green Party were the realists that tempered the naive idealism of the larger parties during the last government. – Yours etc,
CIARÁN FERRIE,
Rathmines,
Dublin 6.
Books in Irish
Sir,
This year’s Late Late Toy Show included no recommendations for books as Gaeilge, almost as if none were written this year. However, in Saturday’s Ticket (December 7th), Áine Ní Ghlinn provides a list of “The best books of 2024 in the Irish language” which includes lots of books for children. Míle buíochas! – Yours etc,
RUTH HOPKINS,
Dublin 5.
Assisted dying
Sir,
In response to Breda O’Brien’s article “Prioritise palliative care over Assisted Dying” (Saturday, December 7th) I would point out that the Final Report of the Joint Committee on Assisted Dying was published on 20th of March and the vote noting it was taken on 23rd of October seven months later which can hardly be called rushed.
The repeated use of the terms suicide and euthanasia is regrettable as these terms have many fearful connotations. Assisted dying is just that, assistance for a person who is dying and for whom life has become an unbearable burden. It is a voluntary decision and very often a decision to go to God.
Assisted dying has no implications for the elderly or disabled unless they are dying and choose to avail of it. The recommendations in the report include rigorous safeguards to protect against coercion, require mandatory psychiatric evaluation of the person, and legal protection for medical staff who are conscientious objectors.
Palliative care is not the answer for everyone even if it is available. It is easy to be horrified at the notion of assisted death but far more difficult to encounter face-to-face the person who is suffering and for whom life has become an unbearable burden.
Everyone should have the opportunity to choose for themselves. We can choose to allow assisted dying or we can continue to force people to endure the unendurable unless of course, you have the means to travel. Ireland, exporting its problems once again. – Yours etc,
SUSAN HANLY,
Carlow.
Sir,
The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill will likely soon be enacted in the UK. In Ireland, an influential minority hopes we swiftly follow. Such haste would be unwise. Any policy, good or bad, can be implemented poorly.
Irish advocates will immediately declare Britain’s choice a success just as sceptics will call it a disaster but it will take years before anyone can judge the truth with accuracy or objectivity. Questions now debated – Are safeguards sufficient? Will the dying and doctors feel compelled to take part? Will eligibility requirements be lowered after roll-out? Will it save the NHS money? – will be answered in time.
Our nearest neighbour is beginning a vast and novel experiment, one with profound moral, social and legal implications. – Yours etc,
AIDAN HARTE,
Naas,
Co Kildare.
Forming a government
Sir,
In the aftermath of the general election, much has been written and said about the attitude of Fianna Fáil (and Fine Gael) towards governing with Sinn Féin, with suggestions that effectively barring the latter party from power is undemocratic.
However, if a real choice is to be offered to the electorate next time around, maybe the onus is on Sinn Féin to change some of its ways. A fundamental restructuring of its internal organisation and the secretive ways it conducts its party business would be a good start. Finding a way to respectfully disengage and move on from its past links with the Provisional IRA might be another. Reassessing its Eurosceptic tendencies in today’s volatile world is surely something to consider too.
There are many members of Fianna Fáil, myself included, who would share the republican aims of Sinn Féin, and who would have a strong preference for a centre-left government. What about giving us a real choice at the next election? – Yours etc,
DAVID CARROLL,
Dublin 2.
Defence spending
Sir,
Now that Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil have entered talks regarding government formation it will be interesting to see what they propose to do regarding defence in any programme for government agreed.
Given the ongoing crisis regarding defence and the Defence Forces, a significant increase in the defence budget is required to address our defence deficiencies and not the increase provided to date.
There was much talk by government members this year regarding the increased record defence budget, however on closer examination the figures don’t stack up.
The Defence budget as a percentage of national spending has steadily declined from 1.98 per cent in 2004 to 1.13 per cent in 2025.
Ireland’s defence spending relative to GDP dropped from 0.58 per cent in 2004 to 0.25 per cent in 2025, substantially lower than the EU average of 1.3 per cent
Pension costs account for €329 million of the defence budget. This allocation constrains resources available for active operations and modernisation. When pensions are removed from the defence budget and adjusted for inflation, defence spending peeked in 2008.
Capital spending rose from 10.3 per cent of the defence budget in 2004 to 15.9 per cent in 2025, however significant gaps remain with outdated equipment and technology requiring immediate and urgent upgrades.
Between 2021 and 2025 Ireland’s defence budget increased nominally by 14.7 per cent, but inflation of 17.8 per cent resulted in a real term decrease. Meanwhile, EU peers increased defence budgets by 31 per cent during the same period.
If the next government are serious about ensuring that the State is adequately protected and that the Defence Forces are fit for purpose, a real and significant increase in the defence budget is required. The current policy of freeloading and outsourcing our responsibilities regarding defence simply doesn’t cut it any more. – Yours etc,
CONOR HOGARTY,
Deansgrange,
Blackrock,
Dublin.
Irish Times voter panel
Sir,
The opinions of your readers’ panel raise questions as to just how randomly the readers were chosen. It was noticeable that most ire was directed at the leader of Fine Gael, labelling him as “immature”, culpable of delivering “cringy” lines and “constantly mumbling” without presenting any examples. In the interest transparency, it would help if readers were informed as to how precisely the particular panel members were selected. – Yours etc,
MARGARET LEE,
Newport,
Co Tipperary.
Micheál Martin, a Covid evaluation
Sir,
During the election campaign, the issue of how the country coped with the Covid pandemic or, more importantly, how we might deal with a future challenge of that nature, received no attention.
Pat Leahy’s otherwise comprehensive profile of Micheál Martin also fails to consider the matter (“Martin’s tale of triumph”, Weekend, December 7th).
The Covid-19 public inquiry in the UK was established under the Inquiries Act, 2005 with the power to compel the production of documents and to call witnesses to appear to give evidence under oath.
In Ireland, we can only look forward to a non-statutory “evaluation” process as opposed to an inquiry. No terms of reference have been published despite Mr Martin being “hopeful” last October that they could be published before the election.
In an opinion piece in your paper on November 6th last, (“This is the ‘Yes Minister’ approach to a Covid inquiry”) Donncha O’Connell wrote that the model chosen by the government and “its terms of reference are unlikely to be sufficiently probing or robust to establish anything approximating to a reliable truth about those areas in which we may have fallen tragically short in our handling of the pandemic”.
What we do know is that as taoiseach, Mr Martin reportedly disregarded the advice from the National Public Health Emergency Team (Nphet) that the hospitality sector remain closed for December 2020 and January 2021 and declared that Ireland should enjoy a “meaningful Christmas”.
As we approach another Christmas, perhaps the “tale of triumph” could benefit from a more detailed telling. – Yours etc,
MARTIN McDONALD,
Terenure.
Dublin 12.
A Nobel Irishman
Sir,
Fifty years ago on December 10th, 1974, Seán MacBride became the first Irish person to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize “for his efforts to secure and develop human rights throughout the world”.
MacBride had been one of 43 candidates shortlisted in 1972; among those who had nominated him were Trevor West, the Independent Trinity College Senator, and Deputy Ritchie Ryan of Fine Gael.
The British peer Lord Sainsbury was among those who nominated MacBride in 1973, citing his role in investigating the detention of political prisoners and victims of apartheid in South Africa. Sainsbury, in his letter of nomination, highlighted MacBride’s attempts to secure the release of political prisoners in many countries, and his efforts to secure reprieve for those sentenced to death by reason of their political or religious views.
It was on the basis of the nomination of Labour Party politician David Thornley and others, that the Nobel Committee sought an evaluation of Seán MacBride’s international role prior to the 1974 award. He was judged to be “an outstandingly effective advocate for human rights”, and one who initiated the campaign against torture which had to be recognised as being “as unthinkable as slavery”. MacBride duly received the award, using the occasion to call for General and Complete Disarmament.
Politicians should reflect on this aspiration today, Human Rights Day, instead of making any attempt to increase international tension. – Yours etc,
CAITRIONA LAWLOR,
Mount Merrion,
Co Dublin.
Women ministers
Sir,
Your obituary of the late Gemma Hussey states that she was “the second woman ever to be appointed to Cabinet” (December 7th). In fact, Mrs Hussey’s appointment in 1982 made her the third woman to hold Cabinet office since independence, after Máire Geoghegan-Quinn in 1979 and Eileen Desmond in 1981.
It’s unfortunate that such a basic error was made in the very first paragraph of your piece, and was then compounded by being incorporated into the headline of the online version of the article. – Yours etc,
BARRY WALSH,
Clontarf,
Dublin 3.