The Lisbon campaign highlighted the need for political parties and others to make full financial disclosure, writes Elaine Byrne
IN THE movie Matrix Reloaded, Neo and Councillor Hamann stand among the machines that keep the city's lights, heat and air functioning. Hamann tells Neo: "Almost no one comes down here, unless, of course, there's a problem. That's how it is with people - nobody cares how it works as long as it works."
Since 2003 the Standards in Public Office Commission has highlighted the weakness of the electoral legislation in relation to so-called "third parties". Libertas, the anti-treaty group run by businessman Declan Ganley, is defined as a "third party" and not a political party.
In its annual report published this week, the commission outlined the legal advice it obtained regarding "third parties" in advance of the Lisbon referendum. The advice suggested that any individual or group based outside Ireland and which campaigned in the referendum was "not subject to the Electoral Acts even if they have accepted donations for the purposes of funding a campaign on the referendum".
Furthermore, those individuals or groups "who use only their own resources to fund a referendum campaign, do not come within the definition of third parties".
The Minister for the Environment, John Gormley, received this legal opinion in March.
In other words, while parties must provide a donation statement to the commission outlining the identity of their donors, Libertas does not have to do so. In effect this means that Libertas, which out-financed all the political parties combined - judging by its volume of advertisements at standard rates - entirely self-regulated its self-estimated €1.3 million in donations. The legislation failed to provide a level playing pitch to the pro- and anti-Lisbon sides.
And the response by the political parties? A united front to amend this loophole, maybe? Nope.
Fine Gael instead focused its energies criticising Fianna Fáil's method of spending. It's all very fascinating that Fianna Fáil had spent four times less on commercial advertising than Fine Gael and instead concentrated its spend on election posters and leaflets, but the horse has long bolted. Political parties have allowed themselves to be distracted by who spent what.
Political leaders should take the bull by the horns. Let each political party publish a complete financial statement on its website on how the money was spent and where it came from. In doing so, it will demonstrate to the public its willingness to fulfil public expectations rather than just legislative obligations. A loss of confidence in Irish public life can be challenged by such instances of voluntary transparency. At this stage, there is everything to gain and nothing to lose.
Such an act would earn the moral authority to challenge "third parties" to do likewise. The Minister of State for European Affairs, Dick Roche, has claimed that Libertas's self-declared spending was "simply not truthful".
The donations statements of Northern Ireland's political parties were published by the UK electoral commission on Wednesday.
Under UK legislation, political parties are required to provide a full income and expenditure annual financial statement to the electoral commission.
This is available at www.electoralcommission.org.uk. The identities of donors are not required to be declared.
In 2007, the DUP, Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the UUP altogether received nearly £2 million from donations, fundraisers, membership fees, subscriptions from elected members and other varied sources.
A clear picture emerges regarding the financial health of the parties. Sinn Féin accounted for 40 per cent of all money raised by Northern parties, including £195,000 "due almost entirely to the magnificent work of Friends of Sinn Féin USA". The SDLP received 26 per cent, the UUP 19 per cent and the DUP just 15 per cent.
Nationalist parties were in receipt of two-thirds of all money donated in the North last year. Overall, Sinn Féin is £300,000 in surplus, the SDLP more or less broke even, the DUP is £120,000 in deficit while the UUP is £1 million in debt.
Will the financial stability within the different parties have any impact on the future competitiveness of the North's political system?
Publication of accounts provides an insight into how political parties operate internally. Sinn Féin, for example, spent £62,115 on their international department and £3,306 on their all-Ireland department.
Perhaps Sinn Féin will take an all-Ireland approach to their fundraising and voluntarily provide a similar income expenditure set of accounts for political activities in the Republic.
Sinn Féin and the DUP declared the lowest election expenses for the 2007 Assembly elections but returned the most seats. In the DUP's case they had their most successful election in the party's 36-year history.
In all, the UUP spent £273,449, SDLP £190,615, DUP £86,283 and Sinn Féin £56,588 in election and campaign expenses in the course of the 2007 Assembly elections. Does money buy electoral success?
This writer has previously resorted to getting naked for photographer Spencer Tunick in order to make the case for the full financial disclosure of political parties. The corrosive effect of secrecy in political funding stimulates public cynicism at the expense of political integrity. Things aren't working, Neo, and we have to start caring.