Collusion between members of the security forces in Northern Ireland and loyalist paramilitaries is the dark shadow at the heart of the Dublin and Monaghan bombings that killed 33 innocent people and injured hundreds more in 1974.
It was such an outrageous, damaging and dangerous development in Anglo/Irish relations that the Government shied away from confronting it. It has taken 29 years and an Independent Commission of Inquiry under Mr Justice Henry Barron to finally establish that collusion between the bombers and members of the Ulster Defence Regiment and Royal Ulster Constabulary was probable, and more than likely. In the intervening period, the families of the victims have been treated appallingly by successive governments and denied information or a public inquiry. And inquests on the dead have not yet been completed because of a lack of official documentation.
The report by Mr Justice Barron confirms much of what was suspected at the time but was too dangerous to print. It was found to be "more than likely" that members of the Ulster Volunteer Force were assisted in their murderous activities by individuals from the RUC and the UDR. A lack of evidence and co-operation by British authorities caused Mr Justice Barron to withhold judgment on whether there had been any collusion involving British military intelligence. That sort of evidence, if it ever existed, would hardly have taken written form. It was accepted, however, that the British security forces did not have advance knowledge of the bombings.
The Fine Gael/Labour Party Coalition Government of the day has come in for particular criticism, with the then Taoiseach, Mr Liam Cosgrave, and Minister for Justice, Mr Paddy Cooney, being mentioned in particular. The government failed to show the concern expected of it by following up information that intelligence in relation to the bombers was available to the British intelligence services. The Garda Siochána inquiry into the atrocities opened and closed within 12 weeks without reaching any conclusions. Lines of investigation were not pursued. And all the files dealing with the bombings went missing from the Department of Justice.
In today's climate, such behaviour would be inexplicable. But the political and diplomatic situation in 1974 was very different. A British Labour Government had just come to power and a loyalist strike was under way because of the Sunningdale Agreement. The leadership of Mr Cosgrave's administration was constantly threatened in a climate of terrorism. In the circumstances prevailing, confirmation that members of the Northern Ireland security forces had colluded in the bombing would have done terrible damage to Anglo/Irish relations, strengthened the IRA, and undermined the government.
The Belfast Agreement and the new political dispensation on these islands enabled this inquiry to take place, in spite of initial British reluctance. It was hoped it would bring closure for the families of the bereaved. For some that will never be possible. For others it is the recognition of a grievous wrong.