Constitutional reform has been the overarching feature of Tony Blair's first term: The Human Rights Act, Lords reform, devolution, and proportional representation for elections other than for Westminster and local authorities outside Northern Ireland.
Before the 1997 election John Major said devolution threatened the break-up of the United Kingdom. Labour countered that the constitutional status quo was the greatest stimulant to nationalist sentiment. And following the Tory wipe-out in Wales and Scotland New Labour eagerly claimed the "unionist" mantle for itself.
In the context of his new job, is Dr Reid "a unionist" actively committed to keeping Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom?
"No, I am not," comes an unequivocal reply: "no, this is what's said in the papers. I am anxious that the people of Northern Ireland should have their own say . . . I regard my role as entirely different from Scotland because of the unique circumstances in Northern Ireland."
After a lengthy discourse on the "historic compromise" continuing there, based on the principle of consent, Dr Reid explains: "I am not there as an advocate or otherwise of the Union. I am there to say `it is your choice'. It is my job to make sure we have a modern, open, democratic Northern Ireland in which everybody can feel part of the ownership and can influence through politics."
So, would it be fair to characterise the Secretary of State as a Scottish Labour unionist committed to the unity of Britain rather than as a Scottish Labour unionist committed to the unity of the United Kingdom? "I don't see myself in any of those roles in particular in Northern Ireland. I mean people get labels put on them, I have never called myself a unionist," he replies.
But is he a Scottish unionist? Dr Reid first asserts that people in Scotland and Wales, too, have the right to choose whether they want to be part of the United Kingdom or go it alone. As a Scottish Labour MP he would urge people there to exercise it "because it is for the benefit of the people in Scotland, to stay inside the United Kingdom".
In the case of Northern Ireland: Do the people there have the right to choose? "Yes." Do you urge them to do one or the other? "No, I don't." But why? "You are asking am I an advocate for the Union of Northern Ireland and I was saying to you no."
People plainly have very different concepts of "the Union." As a major player in British politics, the direct question to Dr Reid is to which Union he personally owes allegiance. Is it the unity of Britain, of England, Scotland and Wales? Or is it the unity of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, that would be the primary objective, say, of David Trimble?
Dr Reid insists: "As Secretary of State my first priority and my commitment is to the right of the people of Northern Ireland to have the decision. I am not there as an advocate . . ."
Yet Tony Blair went to Northern Ireland in 1997 and felt able to say he valued the Union? "Yes, well, as a Scotsman, I value the Union," says Dr Reid. But does he, too, value the Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland? "No," Dr Reid asserts: "What I value higher in the context of Northern Ireland, as Secretary of State, is the right of the people in Northern Ireland to choose their own future."