The attempted murder of innocent civilians by the "Real IRA" in London on Thursday night was a ruthless attempt to derail the peace process and to return the people of Northern Ireland to the sterility of open warfare. The timing of the Ealing car bomb was designed to prevent the Provisional IRA from responding positively to a package proposed by the Irish and British governments to put illegal arms beyond use, reform the police service, stabilise the new political institutions in Northern Ireland and reduce the British military presence. The action by extreme republicans mirrored the behaviour of those loyalists within the UDA who, in recent weeks, have embarked on a campaign of intimidation and murder against nationalists in north Belfast. Both campaigns are directed at destroying the Belfast Agreement through an upsurge in violence and inter-community tensions.
The stakes could not be higher. At risk is the only political blueprint capable of resolving the deep-seated problems that beset Northern Ireland. The Belfast Agreement represents a series of difficult and painful compromises that have been endorsed by large majorities of the population in both parts of this island. But its implementation, three years after its adoption, is proving to be extremely difficult for the pro-Agreement parties.
Members of the Sinn FΘin executive adjourned a meeting in County Louth yesterday at which the latest proposals were considered. They decided to seek further clarification on issues touching on demilitarisation and policing from the Northern Ireland Secretary, Dr John Reid. Party president, Mr Gerry Adams, said the executive could meet again, if required. The deliberately vague response by Sinn FΘin has been disappointing, given the request by the Governments for the pro-Agreement parties to clearly indicate their positions by next Monday. But it is the response of the IRA army council that really counts. Fifteen months ago, it offered to put arms independently and verifiably beyond use in the context of the full implementation of the Belfast Agreement. The two Governments have presented these proposals as evidence that the Agreement will be implemented in full. But, on the basis of Sinn FΘin's response, it is difficult to envisage the IRA living up to its commitments and engaging seriously with the International Decommissioning Body.
All of these developments have placed the position of Mr David Trimble as First Minister of the Northern Ireland Executive under severe strain. Some members of his own Ulster Unionist Party have declared they will not support his re-election should his letter of resignation take effect next week. And, should the Executive fall asunder because of a lack of political will, the wild men on the fringes of both communities will be only too happy to fill the political vacuum. Nobody should be in any doubt about it: the bomb placed in London by the "Real IRA" and the recent sectarian murders in Belfast are the only alternatives being offered to the Belfast Agreement. If Sinn FΘin and the IRA reject what is now on offer they will be opening the door only to further violence.
