The trail of events leading from Drumcree grows ever more terrible. The Enniskillen bombing, attributed by some security sources to paramilitary associates of Republican Sinn Fein (RSF), was an act of calculated provocation close to a town which has come to symbolise the visitation of Republican violence upon the innocent. Its sole object was to stir further sectarian conflict and to draw the last drop of momentum from the peace process. The Taoiseach, Mr Bruton, spoke for all but a tiny minority of Irishmen and women when he condemned an action that was "wrong from every point of view, moral and political".
Northern Ireland is now revisiting some of the bleakest scenes from the last quarter century of death - and destruction. The Enniskillen outrage was the first bomb attack in Northern Ireland for two years and it must rekindle fears, across both communities, of the daily threat of random sectarian violence. There was also a grim sense of history repeating itself, in the weekend rioting in Derry, in which a local man died. There must now be the gravest fear of a relapse back into the cycle of murder and retaliation. The hopes and aspirations of a younger generation that they could somehow escape from the ancient quarrel - seem pallid indeed.
And who can doubt that the events of the past week - in which the British government capitulated to loyalist force - will solidify support for Sinn Fein and the Provisional IRA among the nationalist community? The SDLP's decision to withdraw from the Forum may be of little immediate practical importance.
The party remains firmly committed to the multiparty talks - but it reflects the extreme pressure on nationalist politicians to harden their approach.
Given this bleak background, the continued failure of the British government to respond to the request by the Tanaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Spring, for a meeting of the Anglo Irish Inter Governmental Conference this week is unreasonable and regrettable. And the fact that this decision, which runs counter to Britain's obligations under the Anglo Irish Agreement, is being driven by concerns among some Tory backbenchers, will be viewed with incredulity in Dublin. At this dangerous time, there is a clear obligation on all politicians in Dublin, Belfast and London to re establish what Mr Spring has called "the primacy of politics" and to fill the current political vacuum.
There are, even now, some glimmers of optimism in the restraint shown to date by the main republican and loyalist paramilitary groups and in the hunger for peace that still survives among the vast majority in both communities. But it is up to the political leaders to build upon it. Tomorrow's resumption of the multiparty talks will, at least, provide an opportunity to draw breath; but a meeting of the Conference is required to provide the necessary leadership and direction. The British Prime Minister, Mr Major, has invested a great deal of energy and commitment in the peace process over the last two years. As the clouds gather over Northern Ireland, he should see himself with no choice but to assert his political authority and to take further risks for peace.
