I come from a unionist background in Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, I believe in Irish unity, but I welcome the recent efforts by those who believe that Northern Ireland should stay as part of the United Kingdom.
Like many others I want to hear the views of those who believe that Northern Ireland is better off as it is, and that its people should not contemplate joining with the rest of the island of Ireland, even if I disagree.
Open debate is a sign of a healthy democracy, and we need more of it, not less. Debate now will mean that when the unity referendums happen – and I believe that is when, not if – everyone will be better able to make an informed decision.
For some, Irish unity may be wrapped up in images of “the fourth green field”, or such like. For me, however, the key issue is deciding on what will offer the best quality of life for everyone who lives across this island.
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Unionists must ask themselves: ‘is this as good as it gets?’
Every metric measuring living standards today – life expectancy, waiting lists for surgery, education standards and job prospects – shows that the South today outperforms the North.
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For those who want Northern Ireland to stay part of the UK, I would ask is this as good as it gets? Are we living in Nirvana now or do you envisage that things will improve? If you think that things will improve, how is that going to happen?
Northern Ireland is a small region within the United Kingdom. Everyone knows this, but some accept it more than others. But it is a significant part, a very significant part, of the island of Ireland.
In a world where the all-island economy grows, the place that is now Northern Ireland can be a vitally-necessary part of that engine with the chance of being part of one of Europe’s fastest growing economies.
In a such a world, the quality of life of everyone across the island will be better. Every problem that we face will become no less problematic, but they can be better tackled together, not apart.
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The uniting of the island of Ireland must, first, be about creating peace and prosperity, not merely about history, posterity, or some echoes of the past. That for me is the Irish Unity Dividend.
But we must prepare, for the referendum and for the new State to come afterwards, one where public services would have to be integrated, along with the island’s infrastructure and economy.
This is not about assimilation, capture, or takeover. it is about building a world-class nation where everyone has an equal stake, where everyone can thrive, especially the Border counties most damaged by Partition a century ago.
Operating two of anything is more expensive, less efficient. Even people who are not economists, or know anything about economics know that. Partition has cost us all, and there is no kinder, gentler form of partition.
Sovereignty is not a flag on a pole, it’s a roof over people’s heads and food on the table.
If unification is the will of the people on both parts of the island, I believe that Stormont should continue to exist, but for a finite period of time. Afterwards, the new State would have one parliament, in Dublin.
However, immediate integration would be needed in some cases. Some issues, notably public health, would have to be dealt with on an all-island basis from the off to ensure that lives are saved.
During the Covid-19 pandemic, Stormont followed the British Government lead, which left the two parts of the island, confusingly, with different rules at different times, but facing the same threat.
Climate change and the spread of zoonotic diseases means that pandemics in the future are more likely, not less. Contradictory actions on the two parts of the island serve no one, and must not happen.
With divided control, Stormont ministers could follow the approach of London, or somewhere else while the rest of Ireland runs to different rules. That makes no sense. Equally, immigration also be clearly better dealt together, from the off.
For too long we have heard critics of Irish unity say that talking about Irish unity is a bad thing, that merely mentioning an aspiration for a United Ireland is antagonistic or provocative.
However, the possibility of a Border poll when merited by circumstances was a key part of the Good Friday Agreement. Nobody should fear debate about an option that was part of an international agreement nearly thirty years ago.
Brexit is an example, and a warning. We have seen what happens when people vote for a vague idea of constitutional change, as happened then. Nearly a decade later, people still argue about what the vote meant.
Some argue that reconciliation must happen within Northern Ireland before a referendum is held. And, yes, we do not have a reconciled society, but Partition is and has been the source of that division.
The Irish Border was created by the British government, dividing the island into two states, causing friction and barriers ever since. Before it, the counties making up Northern Ireland were the most economically advanced part. No longer.
Like most UK regions, Northern Ireland has suffered, London and the Southeast of England has gained, and they continue to gain.
In addition to London, I have been fortunate to live and work in Edinburgh, Cardiff, and Dublin in my career, before returning to my home city of Belfast. In each of those three capitals, the indigenous language is embraced.
Unfortunately, it is seen as a source of division by some within Northern Ireland. I want to live in a country where diversity is celebrated and cherished. Culture should be something that can be appreciated by all, not a source of division.
When unionists politicians state that they want to “Make Northern Ireland Work” does that mean with, or without embracing the indigenous language or Irish culture? Does it mean with, or without building Casement Park?
I understand that this is an unsettling time for unionism, especially because I come from that background. Brexit has not turned out well for unionism and unionists feel let down by the British government.
The beauty of the Belfast Agreement before Brexit was that you could be Irish, British, European, or all three. Ireland and the UK were part of the EU, so borders were of little consequence. Brexit changed all that.
Today, there are competing visions of the future – but the choice at one level is this: whether to stick in a UK with an uncertain future, or become part of a united Ireland that is firmly part of the European Union.
Such a debate must happen respectfully. Believing in the benefits of Irish unity is not being anti-British. How one expresses that, however, might be. And everyone needs to remember that.
This is not a debate that can be endlessly postponed. Life in Northern Ireland is changing. People’s views are changing. Even Brexit has changed Northern Ireland. That is not a coincidence.
Northern Ireland was created to guarantee a permanent Protestant and unionist majority. Today, it has neither. It has a nationalist First Minister. Sinn Féin is the largest party in Stormont. Westminster has more nationalist MPs than unionists.
Sinn Féin is now the largest party in local government across Northern Ireland. Unionism holds a minority of seats in Westminster, in Stormont and across local councils in Northern Ireland.
I fundamentally disagree with those who say there was no alternative to violence. Terrible things were done, terrible things were suffered. Irish unity will be achieved through purely democratic means, not through violence.
One of the many benefits of a United Ireland is that unionist votes and voices will matter much more in an all-Ireland Dáil and Seanad, than they do in Westminster. The time for a referendum is fast approaching, perhaps in the next decade.
The very populists who forced a Brexit vote in 2016 and who provoked the economic decline and division that has so troubled the UK since may now be the people to gain from that disorder. Just look at t the Runcorn by-election in recent days.
A Westminster government led by such people will be actively hostile to the EU, will seek to undermine Ireland and will resent financially supporting Northern Ireland. The momentum for Irish unity may not just come from Ireland.
Unionists must be sure they will be shown respect in a new Ireland, that they will enjoy a higher quality of life, but, most importantly, that they enjoy the same rights and status as others. I am certain that this can happen, should unionists choose to accept it.
Ben Collins is the author of two books with Luath Press: The Irish Unity Dividend, which will be published in September and Irish Unity: Time To Prepare
