In the run-up to Nigeria's parliamentary elections next Saturday, international human rights groups have called for more reforms to ensure press freedom - a crucial barometer of democratic progress.

Gen Abdulsalam Abubakar, Nigeria's military ruler, has promised to hand power to a civilian president on May 29th following presidential elections on February 27th, but without a democratic constitution and legislation, even a new civilian government will have the power to intimidate and jail journalists.

Gen Abubakar established the Constitutional Debate Commission to review and revise the constitution before the completion of the transition. But many Nigerians have criticised the process for the short timeframe and the lack of comprehensive analysis and participation.

Rotimi Sankore, a former journalist with the Lagos-based News & Tempo, who now lives in London, believes that any changes under the new regime are "merely cosmetic, as all the repressive decrees and apparatus are still in place. There has been no publication of a new draft constitution prior to the elections."

Despite the country's developed university system and large literate and intellectual classes, Africa's most populous nation is - along with China - still widely considered the world's worst violator of press freedom behind nations such as Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Burma and Indonesia.

Although this ignominious record owes much to the previous oppressive military regime of Gen Sani Abacha, who died last June, reported incidents under the current military government continue to worry international agencies.

There have already been two raids on Nigerian publications this month. But the worst incident of intimidation in recent weeks has been the arrest of Lanre Arogundade, chairman of the Lagos State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists. Mr Lanre, who was arrested at his home earlier this month and was subsequently released, has been instrumental in demanding the release of journalists still in prison and refusing to accept the past and present military regimes have the right to control independent media.

New military leaders are notorious for easing oppressive measures against the press to gain kudos, only to reinstate them. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) is concerned enough to send a mission to Nigeria, after the elections, from March 8th to 17th. Together with Lagos-based media and human rights groups and London-based Article 19, the International Centre Against Censorship, the IFJ hopes to put its case to representatives of the information ministry.

While welcoming the release of journalists from prison, Ms Bettina Peters, deputy general secretary at the IFJ in Brussels says: "After Abacha's death there has been a move toward democracy. But the response from journalists and lawyers in Nigeria has been mixed. They don't want to say that recent developments are completely hopeless, but they are pessimistic about any meaningful change taking place."

At least 20 items of law remain which were used by the Abacha regime to harass and imprison journalists. They enable the current or subsequent civilian governments to confiscate publications, seize editorial equipment, and use secret military tribunals to imprison journalists for life.

The State Security (Detention of Persons) Decree No 2 of 1984, allows indefinite, incommunicado detention of Nigerian citizens. The Offensive Publications (Proscription) Decree No 35 of 1993 enables the government to seize any publication that contains an article deemed likely to - ironically - "prevent the progress toward democracy as established by the transition to civil rule programme" or to "disturb the peace and public order of Nigeria."

The IFJ, the world's largest organisation of journalists, particularly objects to the establishment of a National Mass Media Commission. It believes the commission's role is dangerously open to interpretation and has expressed its concern in an open letter to Gen Abubakar.

The proposed commission, the letter says, could be used to stifle press freedom and to limit the investigative roles of mass media. The IFJ also objects to the commission's plan to "monitor" media organisations, "co-ordinate" activities of professional bodies and deal with other matters, including a code of conduct of professional and ethical standards.

Meanwhile, Article 19 and the Lagos-based Media Rights Group, which believe the international community has embraced Gen Abubakar too hurriedly, continue their campaign for an independent judicial inquiry into the cases of two Nigerian journalists who "disappeared" in 1996: Bagauda Kaltho, correspondent of the News, and Chinedu Offoaro, a reporter for the Guardian, both Nigerian publications.

Niran Malaolu, a newspaper editor, is one of the most high-profile journalists still in prison. He is serving a 15-year jail term after a special military tribunal convicted him in 1997 of being an accessory to treason after the fact on the basis of an article he wrote.

His wife, Bukola Malaolu, fears for his health and has complained about her husband's treatment during his detention. She has repeatedly pleaded with local and international organisations to help her and has asked Gen Abubakar to release her husband.

As the parliamentary and presidential elections approach, the country is still without an independent and impartial electoral commission and the release of all political prisoners.

The front-runner for the presidency, Gen Olusegon Obasanjo of the People's Democratic Party, is himself a former military ruler. Is he more likely to safeguard freedom of speech when there is no published constitution to protect the press?