The last time an Asian city erupted in open revolt against its government was in 1989, when Beijing citizenry poured onto the street in their millions to call for democracy and reform.
Then, as in Jakarta this week, the catalyst was a protest by students, the conscience of society, against corruption and in favour of democratic reform. Then, as now, the students' demand was for a change in the power structure without any real idea of what would replace it. Then, as now, the army's loyalty will probably decide the issue. The choice for the Indonesian military is as stark as that which faced the People's Liberation Army in 1989 - to repress the people with much bloodshed, or to endorse reform and a change at the top.
But there are some significant differences. In Beijing, an ideology was at stake, and those who decided on repression could argue that they were facing a counterrevolution which would destroy everything they stood for. In Jakarta, it is the power of one ageing ruler, and the wealth he and his family have accumulated, which is at stake.
Also, in Beijing, the crowds in the streets did not come out to create mayhem, but in Indonesia the mobs have been bent on destruction, angry at their lot, furious at price rises, directing all their passion against the man they once idolised but now perceive as the cause of all their woes.
"He robbed the people so now they believe it's their turn," said an academic at the University of Indonesia as he watched a mob break into a shop and start looting.
There is another major difference. In Indonesia there is a convenient scapegoat for the frenzy of the masses, in the form of the minority Chinese community. As always in time of turmoil in this country of 200 million people, the mob yesterday was given a free hand to attack and loot Chinese property. In the early hours at least nine Chinese died in one building which was set ablaze in west Jakarta. Military chief, Gen Wiranto, said yesterday that his forces could bring the situation under control, but there were no measures taken to protect the vulnerable Chinese community. The ethnic Chinese minority, which forms less than 5 per cent of the population of the world's fourth most populous nation but accounts for 80 per cent of its wealth, are used to this abdication of government responsibility.
"It's a question of comparative deprivation," said an Indonesian student leader at yesterday's campus demonstration, explaining why the Chinese were singled out by the poor. "Those with nothing take it out on those a little less worse off." On the main highway to Jakarta's international airport yesterday youths from the kampungs (poor neighbourhoods) set up roadblocks partly with the aim of searching cars for ethnic Chinese. Hundreds of Chinese residents locked themselves inside their homes or sought refuge in hotels. A house in central Jakarta's Gunung Sahari Street belonging to Indonesia's wealthiest man, Lim Sioe Liong, was burned by the mob. Five cars, family pictures and documents were also destroyed. This, however, may have something to do with the fact that Lim is President Suharto's best friend and closest business ally. The other scapegoat in the rioting is the Suharto family, with firms linked to them hit by attacks on their buildings. A particular target were new "Timor" brand cars, owned by a company controlled by Mr Suharto's youngest son Hutomo "Tommy" Mandala Putra. Branches of Bank Central Asia (BCA), Indonesia's largest private bank, were badly damaged. It is owned by some of Mr Suhartos' children in partnership with the Salim family, headed by Mr Lim.
On Jakarta's stock exchange shares in companies controlled by Mr Suharto's children dived for the second day running, a sign that not just the people but the market has lost confidence in Indonesia's leader for 32 years.