These last few weeks have seen some very significant developments in the search for a lasting peace settlement. These developments were created through very hard work and tough decisions taken by all the leaderships involved.
I believe that we have now managed to create the potential to consolidate the peace process and to advance the task of implementing the Good Friday agreement.
At every slow, painful point in the search for peace republicans have taken initiatives which have created a momentum to take the process forward. Our commitment has been matched by others whose efforts I have often acknowledged and commended.
The IRA's proposed appointment of a representative to enter into discussions with the de Chastelain commission is another demonstration of its courage and discipline, and a sign of its willingness to enhance the search for a democratic peace settlement.
This initiative by the army was secured as a result of the collective efforts of Sinn Fein, the two governments and David Trimble. No one should underestimate the effort, which this initiative involved, and I know that all the delegates at this evening's meeting are very conscious of the wobbles, worries and concerns which are now opened up within republican activism.
The reports of our consultation process, which I have received informally so far, indicate a concern about secret deals, hidden agendas and other understandable fears.
It is the nature of a process such as this that media spins, remarks by opponents, or worries about the compromises or initiatives involved, can have that effect. Everything becomes a negotiation, including this evening's meeting, so let me assure you that there is no secret deal.
This is in everybody's interest: unionist, republican, nationalist and loyalist alike. With the conclusion of the Mitchell review the deal is now in the public arena for all to see. As Senator Mitchell said, the deal is the Good Friday agreement. There is no hidden agenda, and this party's public position is also our private position.
All the parties in the Mitchell review are agreed that the issue of arms will finally and satisfactorily be settled by the de Chastelain commission as set out in the agreement, that decommissioning is a voluntary process, and that all parties to the agreement have an obligation to help bring this about.
The Good Friday agreement makes it clear that this issue can only be resolved in the context of an overall settlement.
All of this continues to present huge challenges for all of us. It will also present huge challenges for the two governments, and I do not underestimate the difficulties which have to be overcome in the time ahead, especially for the Ulster Unionist Party and its leadership.
In my view, the success of the next phase of this process is totally dependent on all progressive and forward-looking elements of our people asserting and exerting ourselves in the difficult tasks which leadership involves. I am confident that these difficulties can be overcome if the momentum which has been created is seized upon and utilised for the common good.
Success will also depend on sure-footed and calm management of the situation. Everyone in leadership, whether government or political parties, needs to be mindful that peacemaking is more important, it is different from and it is more difficult than conventional politics or what usually passes for politics. It means trying to put yourself in the shoes of your opponents. It means resisting the temptation to go for short-term advantage.
The British government has shown a commitment to this process. That needs a continued focus to bring about real change and to resist the urge to misrepresent, to hype or to exaggerate. In other words, as much as anything else, the success of this next phase may depend on everyone taking a measured and accurate approach in the period ahead.
There was a great brouhaha last weekend over remarks attributed to Pat Doherty and Martin Ferris. Both of them speedily moved to reiterate their commitment to this process and to challenge the spin that was put upon their comments. I myself was moved to give reassurance to the UUP.
As far as we are concerned, this matter is now closed, but in closing it let me also say to those who may not know Pat Doherty and Martin Ferris that there would not have been a Sinn Fein peace strategy, and consequently there would not now be a peace process, if it wasn't for their commitment and support and endeavours to bring this about. The rejectionist unionists will again scorn this. They want to destroy the Good Friday agreement.
Sinn Fein worked during the review to save the Good Friday agreement. We now want to see it implemented. We want to work with unionists in sorting out those vexed and difficult issues that continue to divide and confuse and separate us.
Our immediate goal is to forge a partnership with unionism that will see us labour together within the new institutions and govern in fairness and in honesty, with justice and equality. Unionists have nothing to fear from sharing power with republicans.
The fact is that we live on a small island. It is too small for us to stand alone and aloof from each other. Our destiny is intertwined. Our freedoms are inextricably bound up together. We cannot move forward into a new century separately, isolated and alone. We can only move forward together.
I believe that all our traditions should enjoy equality of treatment and respect. I have consistently defended the rights of Protestants and have advocated the merit of celebrating our diversity. Anti-sectarianism is a fundamental tenet of Irish republicanism. We believe in the unity of Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. I look forward to the day when all our people, nationalist and unionist, Protestant and Catholic, can live side by side as equals in mutual trust and tolerance. In government we will work towards that goal.
I believe that together we can successfully tackle the grave social and economic problems that affect many of our citizens. Wielding power collectively, in the interests of all, I am confident we can make a difference for this and for future generations.
Peace is a concern and a responsibility for all of us. To be durable it requires not just the taking of responsibility but the sharing of responsibility. This moment in our history offers nationalists and unionists, republicans and loyalists, an opportunity to find new ways of working together, and celebrating our differences and of realising that we share many common values and goals.
Of course, we also differ on some major fundamentals but it is worth noting that a partnership between us does not require the compromise of principles.
It is said that "the stupid neither forgive nor forget; the naive forgive and forget; the wise forgive but do not forget." Let us be wise. Let us try to imagine where we will all be in 10 years' time. How will we get there? Are we wise enough to recognise an alternative road to that we have trudged for so long?
The Good Friday agreement presents all sections of our people with a broad framework within which we can move forward together in peace and justice and towards democracy. Sinn Fein is absolutely committed to its full implementation. It is the historic compromise between nationalism and unionism. It must be made to work effectively in all our interests.
If we are to have true peace it will not only mean the absence of war. It will mean the presence of justice, of goodwill and of brotherhood and sisterhood. The bedrock of this new beginning has to be built upon citizens owning the future.
This requires the total transformation of the situation involving, alongside other developments, the establishment of the institutions, including the all-Ireland ministerial council, the Assembly, its executive, the civic forum and the all-Ireland policy and implementation bodies.