Drapier: There were chaotic scenes in the Dáil this week. In Drapier's view the place has become a bit of a shambles, with a fragmented and frustrated Opposition and visible fatigue on the Government side.
Ceann Comhairle Rory O'Hanlon has his work cut out in keeping order.
Ironically, while Opposition deputies constantly bay for more Dáil time, they waste hours of it in disorder!
EU presidency demands on Ministers are beginning to show in the form of short tempers and pale faces. In the old days the Opposition would go easy during a presidency in the national interest. This time, however, with local and European elections on the horizon, the gloves are off.
The main business this week was Michael McDowell's controversial Immigration Bill. After the furore and walk-outs when it was railroaded through the Seanad last Friday, deputies were similarly exercised by its forced passage through the Dáil.
In fairness, the Minister was between a rock and a hard place on this one. A High Court decision had created a dangerous vacuum, leaving us lawless as to the control of entry into the State and the stay of non-nationals. A new law was urgently needed. But most deputies argued it's unwise to fast-track such legislation without due scrutiny.
Under pressure, the Taoiseach conceded time for more debate, but McDowell was in no mood to allow "unlimited blather" given the urgency. This raised the Opposition's temperature, and the Minister was accused of reducing the Dáil to a rubber stamp. Shouting aside, most deputies have a sneaking regard for McDowell's handling of the immigration issue. It's not for the faint-hearted.
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In the light of scathing criticism of the Department of Education, the Dáil discussed the Laffoy Commission report, much of which was a rehash of what the judge had said when she resigned some months ago. Since then changes have been introduced to improve efficiency and reduce costs.
With 1,700 cases to be heard and only 70 dealt with so far, grizzly tales await us. Drapier and pals were puzzled that there appears little evidence in the files to justify the State accepting responsibility for all the abuse in Church-run institutions.
That being the case, why is the taxpayer picking up the tab?
The Taoiseach stuck to his guns, and robustly defended the sweetheart deal involving a contribution from the congregations. But in the absence of any evidence of contemporaneous knowledge of abuse by the State, the deal looks dodgy. Drapier had an ominous feeling of chickens coming home to roost on this one. Were Ministers hoodwinked at the time? And remember those meetings with lawyers for the congregations from which the Attorney General was excluded?
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Senator David Norris used Private Member's Time in the Seanad this week to raise the plight of Palestinians, and the need for Ireland as EU president to kick-start the Middle East peace process. Just back from a humanitarian tour with deputies Simon Coveney and Liz O'Donnell, he cleverly tabled a motion which won Government support.
Many senators drew comparisons with our own protracted peace process, but in terms of scale there is no comparison. Over 3,000 people, mostly civilians, have died violently in the last 3½ years or so. The peace process seems to have been abandoned and sidelined by presidential elections in the US.
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Closer to home, deputies wearily noted the start of a review of the Good Friday agreement in Stormont, with Brian Cowen leading the Irish side. From now until Easter, two days every week will be spent poring over the entrails of the agreement so as to fix it and get the show back on the road.
From every perspective, the big issue remains - the ending of paramilitarism in all of its diversity. Mind you, if what was on the table from the Shinners and the IRA last October wasn't good enough for Trimble to re-enter government, it's certainly not enough for Paisley, Robinson, Donaldson et al. All of which points to huge pressure on the IRA to give up their auld sins once and for all. That would transform the situation.
The DUP's surprisingly benign demeanour so far suggests an acceptance that with power comes responsibility. As self-confessed devolutionists, they should be anxious to get the executive up and running in Stormont. However, their suggestion of something short of collective cabinet responsibility by way of Assembly committees instead of ministers seems a bit daft and a recipe for chaos. Still, like it or not, they are a force now to be reckoned with, and ultimately cannot be coerced into government with Sinn Féin or anyone else for that matter.
In that sense, they do enjoy a veto over the formation of a devolved executive. But the agreement is about much more than devolution. It is the framework for a new "agreed Ireland" to use Hume-speak.
Also this week that great man finally announced that he was retiring on health grounds, and deputies on all sides paid generous tributes to him. More than anyone else, John Hume was the architect and mentor of our peace process. As a nationalist, his credo was the very opposite of the blood-lust of militant republicanism. He argued that, rather than dying or killing for Ireland, we should live for Ireland, "spilling our sweat not our blood," and that through working and living together divisions would be healed.
This visionary approach in due course informed the political direction of two sovereign governments and parties in Northern Ireland. Let us hope as John exits the political stage the remaining cast of players will draw inspiration and courage from his life's work.
While Hume was a national figure, his work as an MEP was less acclaimed but no less influential in delivering for the people of Northern Ireland. Can the SDLP keep his seat in the European Parliament?
That contest is hotting up down here, with candidates being selected for the parties. Jim McDaid has been persuaded to stand in North/Ulster. Simon Coveney's selection in Cork should spice up the Munster race. In Dublin all eyes are waiting to see what bunny the PDs pull out of their hat now that Banotti's seat is up for grabs.
Should be a lively spring!