Five years ago, the result of the UK’s Brexit referendum reverberated across the UK and around the world. After 43 years of EU membership, the UK had made a momentous decision. As Ireland’s ambassador to Germany at the time, my phone began to ring early the next morning.
One particular caller, a member of the Bundestag, saw things in straight-forward terms – a united Ireland was surely now possible, if not inevitable. I was a bit surprised, little appreciating at the time just how prevalent this ambition was to emerge in the post-Brexit world.
The UK has fully withdrawn from the EU, its single market and customs union, and is now regarded as a third country. It’s a tumultuous and, for many of us, sad period in our history. It has also revealed a great deal about the UK, Ireland and the EU and reminded us too of the importance of our transatlantic relations.
The genius of the Belfast Agreement was the decision to emphasise the totality of relationships on these islands
Brexit has thrown into sharp relief how quickly the precious and essential trust between Dublin and London, built painstakingly by successive taoisigh and prime ministers over many years, could be eroded. At a recent webinar hosted by the Institute of International and European Affairs, Bertie Ahern and Tony Blair discussed peace in Northern Ireland.
The trust and friendship they developed and enjoyed, so vital for real progress, was apparent for all to see. In 2011 we saw the State visit of Queen Elizabeth to Ireland. It was the first State visit of a reigning British monarch to Ireland since independence, a visit that was unthinkable for most of our lifetimes.
These and several other important initiatives were high points of Anglo-Irish relations. They now seem like distant memories. Brexit has not only undermined trust, but it has also fundamentally altered the context of British-Irish co-operation and thwarted the ambition of so many of us for normalised relationships between these islands.
During the referendum campaign, the Border barely featured in debates. Today, it features in almost every discussion on the future of EU-UK relations. The protocol is a bespoke solution for a unique and sensitive situation. Moreover, it is one that was mutually agreed upon by both sides.
The seismic changes of the past five years mean the need for a reset in relations – north-south, east-west, EU-UK – is now greater than ever before
The UK’s resort to unilateralism in recent months is deeply regrettable. The genius of the Belfast Agreement was the decision to emphasise the totality of relationships on these islands. The UK alone is in no position to judge what is best for the peace process. The best chance of managing uncertain times is for a close and committed partnership between the two governments.
The outcome of Brexit, in particular the outcome for Northern Ireland, has opened up a pandora’s box of sensitive issues. The question of Irish unity has now become a central talking point in discussions on the future of Northern Ireland. Maybe my caller from the Bundestag was on to something because this debate, directly attributable to Brexit, has now clearly developed momentum.
It is obvious that we need to proceed with a calm and sensitive debate or risk adding to the current instability. As we find a way to work the protocol, dialogue and co-operation across all communities and traditions, and on the island as a whole, is needed now more than ever.
Closer together
As much as the past five years have been about the UK’s journey to find its place outside Europe, they have also brought Ireland closer to Europe. Few would now question that Ireland’s place is undoubtedly within the EU. The withdrawal negotiations were a demonstration of the power of European solidarity.
We can be grateful that both the European Commission and the Irish Government insisted that issues relating to Northern Ireland were addressed before withdrawal, and even more grateful that the dreaded “cliff edge” hard deal was avoided. If the UK is set on an antagonistic relationship with its European neighbours, as increasingly seems likely, being on the EU team gives Ireland a great deal of comfort and protection in these unhappy circumstances.
It should be obvious that now is not the time to change tack. Talk of abandoning the protocol and imposing checks on the island of Ireland or in the Celtic Sea is knowingly irresponsible and reckless. To do so would undermine not only the EU but, equally, the strategic autonomy of the Irish State itself.
The seismic changes of the past five years mean the need for a reset in relations – north-south, east-west, EU-UK – is now greater than ever before. But this is surely only possible where the UK’s relationship with the EU is settled and sure. The implementation of the protocol will require practical and flexible solutions.
But equally, it will require the UK to fulfil its international legal obligations. I hope by the time Brexit’s next anniversary arrives, we will have transcended Brexit and are enjoying a renewed and revitalised relationship with our British friends.
Michael Collins is director general of the IIEA, former Irish ambassador in Berlin and Washington and former second secretary general in the Department of the Taoiseach