Cavour, the ultra-pragmatic statesman with the huge political achievement of uniting Italy, once referred to the art of politics and diplomacy as "le tact des choses possibles", writes Martin Mansergh.
A victorious fellow-countryman of the Roman era, Julius Caesar, as the hero of a Handel opera, sings the aria Va tacito, played last Tuesday morning by Máire Ní Gearailt on Lyric FM, making the point that the astute hunter stalks quietly and stealthily.
The method of achieving agreement on the constitutional treaty has been an exemplary demonstration of both maxims.
The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, in a recent interview with the Irish Catholic, cited as his two main political achievements social partnership since 1987, renewed last Friday week, and the Belfast Agreement.
To those, he can now add the treaty on an EU constitution. Never has an Irish presidency had such a delicate task entrusted to it, of pulling the EU's irons out of the fire after a spectacular débâcle last December.
This represents a high point in the 40 years of Ireland's consistent pro-European diplomacy pursued by successive governments since the days of Seán Lemass, with the assistance of dedicated civil servants in the Permanent Representation in Brussels, the Departments of Foreign Affairs, the Taoiseach, Finance, and right across the public service.
Success has been in large part due to Ireland honourably putting its presidency duty first, ahead of any temptation to exploit opportunities for national advantage. With the EU divided in many camps, the Taoiseach and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Brian Cowen, were able to mediate and navigate between them successfully.
There was never a time when more than one Irish person was considered for the presidency of the EU Commission. That post does not belong only to the avant-garde. Roy Jenkins operated successfully, even when Britain did not become a member of the currency "snake" or ERM.
What is needed above all is somebody highly-skilled in brokering agreement and progress in important matters, given a great deal of potential fractiousness.
Enlargement on May 1st was the other highlight of our presidency. The treaty is a crystallisation of the existing EU, adapted for 25 members.
The chief office holders of the Union, while having from now on more international status, are not intended to overshadow national leaders, but to complement them.
We will have a referendum here to decide on the draft treaty, which is of course irrelevant to any presidential election. The main parties and the social partners will make every effort to ensure that it is passed.
Tony Blair intends to stand and fight on the treaty. Realpolitik may yet prevail, as it did in the 1975 referendum to stay in the EEC, assent wrung from an unenthusiastic British public by Harold Wilson. Should the British choose to distance themselves from Europe, or adopt associate membership, the Irish people will not be following them. If they could look at the Irish experience, instead of being fixated with France and Germany, they would see that dynamism and prosperity are compatible with full European engagement.
An achievement that the Taoiseach has not listed is his leadership of the longest-serving coalition in the history of the State, now well into a second term.
Despite last week's alarms, caused by local and European election setbacks, the different tendencies that exist in any government, and for that matter public likes and dislikes, cannot be simply reduced to caricature ideological contrasts between two coalition parties. As much the larger party, and as the holder of 13 ministries, Fianna Fáil is the principal determinant of policy, even allowing that the PDs punch above their weight.
The EU is pursuing the Lisbon agenda to make the EU far more competitive. Any sensible economic policy has to be a blend of liberal and social democratic values, long ago summed up in the description of Ludwig Erhard's reconstructed Germany, the social market economy.
So long as we have social partnership, there is no danger of Ireland going to neoliberal extremes. Virtually everyone subscribes to the goal of equality of rights, opportunities and treatment, and of outcomes, where applicable.
Combating inequality should not be so zealously conducted as to cause a large drop in living standards for the greater number.
Ireland has used its presidency effectively to strengthen EU bridges with Russia, Japan, Canada and Latin America, bringing Russia towards membership of WTO and, one hopes, Kyoto. Hosting the EU-US Summit with President Bush, a good friend of Ireland, fulfils our presidency obligations, when EU positions will be put forward. The Taoiseach will not, in either his EU or national capacity, adopt a hectoring, confrontational or judgmental tone. The unhappiness expressed in legitimate public protest against US foreign policy has little to do with strict neutrality, which requires a great deal of reticence about rights and wrongs of conflict.
The UN Security Council adopted unanimously on June 8th Resolution 1546 on the transfer of power in Iraq, and reaffirmed authorisation for the multinational force at the request of the interim government.
Member-states are asked to assist the multinational force "to help meet the needs of the Iraqi people for security and stability, humanitarian and reconstruction assistance". So, arguments over the continuing use of Shannon, which can also transport US troops home, should be over.
The US decision not to seek a special UN exemption for its soldiers from the International Criminal Court is welcome in the light of recent shocking revelations about prison treatment (though most people would prefer to take their chance as a US prisoner than be captured by al-Qaeda). This is one encouraging sign of a US return to multilateralism, an issue at the centre of the US election debate.
Ireland, like the EU, can only work to make the future better than the past, especially for the people of Iraq. Both need a good working relationship with the US president in order to exercise influence.