Governments get reports done for a whole range of reasons: to be seen to be doing something; to try to stall the Opposition (“we are waiting for an expert report on this issue”); to buy time; and in some cases to get cover for something they want to do anyway. The odd time they even get a report done because they actually want advice on what to do. But in the day-to-day, crisis-driven world of politics in 2024, the kind of long-term reform plans which big reports tend to set out are, inevitably, a political minefield. Reform, by its nature, will upset some people. The greater good often takes a back seat.
There are three typical tactics when “the report” lands. The first is to cherry-pick. After the well-argued 2021 Pensions Commission report, the Government took up the idea of pensions auto-enrolment, but ditched most of the longer-term funding plan for pensions. True, PRSI is edging higher but the controversial calls for a rise in the State pension age, a big hike in PRSI for the self-employed and for the imposition of PRSI on the earnings of retired people have been ditched. Politicians know they would keep Joe Duffy in calls for a month.
The second tactic is the quick kill. When the Commission on Tax and Welfare reported in 2022, then-tánaiste Leo Varadkar said many of its recommendations were like something from a Sinn Féin manifesto. This is a pity, as it is another excellent document. But its central message – that taxes in Ireland are going to have to rise in the years ahead to pay for a bigger State and an ageing population – are not something that anyone in Irish politics wants to try to sell. Perhaps one day, when the State needs cash, it will be pulled off the shelf.
The third political tactic in response to a big officially commissioned report is to claim that its recommendations are already, more or less, in train. Nothing to see here. And so when the Commission on Housing report was published during the week, the top document on the Government website where it was made available was not the report itself, but rather a “Status of Recommendations” assessment, drawn up in response by the Department of Housing, which claimed that almost two thirds of its 85 recommendations “are already advanced or at varying stages of implementation, with some more advanced than others”.
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This is a bet that most people will not plough through the report. Those who bother will see how the commission underlines again and again poor policy, mixed-up thinking and inadequate results
This extraordinary claim runs directly counter to the conclusion of the report that a “radical reset” in housing policy is needed. And its get-out phrase, “with some more advanced than others”, stretches the English language well past breaking point.
The report kicks off by pointing to “the failure to successfully treat housing as a critical social and economic priority, evident in a lack of consistency in housing policy”. Yet the first tick in the official document – to indicate something which is “implemented, under way or partially under way” – is beside recommendation number one, which calls on the Government to “recognise and prioritise dealing with Ireland’s housing deficits and address it through emergency action”.
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And it goes on and on, with the department “ticking” the vast bulk of the general recommendations as being under way – for example, ensuring policy provides a range of accommodation to meet different needs, or enhancing the role of local authorities and resourcing them to do this. This is a bet that most people will not plough through the report. Those who bother will see how the commission underlines again and again poor policy, mixed-up thinking and inadequate results in areas such as these. To tick the recommendations as "under way” is to ignore its central argument.
There is more, too. The Government has delayed for many months giving the required approvals to Uisce Éireann to proceed to the next planning stage with the controversial Shannon pipeline to provide water to the midlands and east, identified in the report as vital to future housing planning. However, the commission recommendation to “take urgent action” on this is given a “tick”. So is the call for urgent action on the big Dublin Drainage Project, stuck in a planning loop. And a detailed recommendation to develop "Housing Delivery Zones” – special areas for accelerated housing provision, including brownfield sites in city centres – is also given the official tick as under way. True, the Land Development Agency has some plans for State lands, but the recommendation for the commission is for something wider, acting as a key step to deliver housing more quickly. It deserves study and consideration.
And on we go through rental reforms – tick; funding social housing – tick; upscaling the construction sector – tick; acting to end child homelessness – tick, and on and on. There are State policies in these areas. But if the official machine does not accept that change is needed, then that is delusional and the housing crisis will just trundle on and on.
... people want the crisis tackled, but also want to retain the right to object at every stage, quoting everything from architectural integrity to the feeding grounds of the Brent goose
The political difficulty is twofold. First, the required measures will not be universally popular. For example, those living near special zones identified for new housing may not be happy. There is already opposition to big infrastructure projects such as the Shannon pipeline, and people want the crisis tackled, but also want to retain the right to object at every stage, quoting everything from architectural integrity to the feeding grounds of the Brent goose. Emergency action means shifting the balance – agreeing, with detailed consultation, a plan for an area, but then getting on with it. The commission identifies all this, and much more, but control is a powerful factor in the political and administrative system.
The second political difficulty is implementation. Housing is complex. Ticking action plans as "under way” does not get the job done. Currently, official policies are not aligned and updated on housing – this needs to be fixed quickly. The proposal for a new, powerful agency to oversee housing provision raises the question of what those responsible for this job are currently doing. But if it can get things done, this it is worth a try. If we keep doing the same things, we will get the same result. The box-ticking response to the commission report suggests that this is exactly what the "system” has in mind.