The distinctive personalities of Mary Robinson, Mary McAleese and Michael D Higgins have combined to shape what is understood as the Irish presidency in 2025. They have given this non-political office added legitimacy and relevance. The public wants their activism to continue.
The Irish Times/Ipsos B&A opinion poll this week showed substantial backing for a president who is seen and heard (39 per cent) and who represents the country well internationally (33 per cent). These former office holders will be the reference point in assessing the immediate performance of the president elected next week. It’s a political cliche, but hitting the ground running is going to be important for our 10th president in dealing with the priority issues in their in-tray.
1. Identifying a theme in time for the presidential inauguration
Neither Catherine Connolly nor Heather Humphreys have clearly conveyed a sense of the type of president they would be over the next seven years. (Nor has Jim Gavin, who has withdrawn from the campaign but whose name will be on the ticket.) Whoever is elected would do well to use the time before their inauguration ceremony address on November 11th to consider how they hope to define the office.
The public will want to hear about the new president’s priorities. Yet, in attempting to identify themes, the next president must recognise the limitations of the office. The challenge is to utilise the soft, persuasive and symbolic powers vested in the presidency. Higgins has done so with international affairs, as McAleese did with reconciliation on the island and Robinson in validating a more pluralist Ireland.
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We’ve had a disappointing campaign in which no candidate has successfully articulated where the presidency might next be positioned. The inauguration address could be a real opportunity to articulate how the symbolic power of the office might be used in key areas such as climate change, racism and inequality.
2. Bringing the debate about Irish unity into the Áras
During the 1973 presidential election, Erskine Childers proposed setting up a “think tank” to advise on new ideas for Ireland’s long-term development. He stressed that it would reach conclusions by popular consensus so as to avoid intervening directly in the business of government. Opposition from the taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave, however, killed the idea, much to the frustration of the new president. More recently, there was little comment when Higgins hosted presidential seminars on trust and ethics in public life, and the future of Europe.
Given the discussion in the campaign about Irish unity, there may be fertile ground for the Áras to become a place for discussion about these issues. Robinson and McAleese positioned the presidency as an honest broker in the promotion of North-South reconciliation in peace-process era, as well as enhancing relations with Britain. It’s highly unlikely that the new president could fulfil a similar role in a debate about unity, given the suspicions of the unionist community. But the next president could convene a forum to examine the positives and negatives of unity for the Irish Republic itself, a debate that has not yet commenced.
3. Establishing a positive relationship with the Government
Establishing appropriate demarcation lines between the presidency and the Government, and a working relationship with the Taoiseach will be important for the new president. Poor relations was ultimately a factor in Cearbhall Ó Dálaigh’s resignation in 1976. We also know that disputes arose during Robinson’s term about pushing the boundaries of established presidential activity.
Assuming the current Government goes full term, then the first four years of the new president’s seven-year term will overlap with the life of the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael Coalition.. Micheál Martin, and Simon Harris after the rotation agreement kicks-in in 2027, will as Taoiseach be keeping the president generally informed about matters of domestic and foreign policy (as required by Article 23 of Constitution). The specifics of these arrangements vary, but in his recent memoir Leo Varadkar says he met Higgins for dinner every few weeks. “I appreciated drawing on the wisdom of a president with immense knowledge and experience,” Varadkar wrote. (He also complimented the breaded shrimp.)
The new president will need to consider cohabitation with Martin and Harris. These interactions will have a different tone, depending on whether Connolly or Humphreys is in the Áras, and they may become important in ironing out difficulties.
Connolly has long been a politician of opposition. She holds very different political views to the current Government. Establishing a cordial relationship from the outset would be one of those exercises that, if it works well, will receive little commentary. However, should there be difficulties, there is likely to be public controversy.
Maintaining cordial relations with the Government would clearly be easier for Humphreys. But there are dangers for her also, especially if there was a perception that the Áras had become merely the Phoenix Park office of the Government of the day.
4. Representing the country abroad without controversy
The organisation of Erskine Childers’s state visit to Belgium in 1974 by the president’s Civil Service staff suggests there was a certain lack of prior experience in dealing with the logistics and protocol of presidential foreign travel. His predecessors had travelled abroad but, more recently, this representative function has increased significantly, and it has been strongly linked to economic development. Albert Reynolds recalled how when he visited the US “looking for trade and investment, I used to hear at first hand the impression [Robinson] was creating.” After the financial collapse in 2008, McAleese gave even more prominence to trade delegations abroad.
The Government will want to the next president to continue to use this soft power, especially given the volatility of the international environment and uncertainty about global trade.
The Government will also be keen for the Áras to play a positive role in Ireland’s EU presidency in 2027. It will want to avoid presidential pronouncements on foreign policy or neutrality that do not chime with national policy or provoke a negative response from foreign governments.
This is where the other characteristic the public wants in a president arises – political experience and judgment. Michael D Higgins has pushed the boundary of presidential commentary on matters of contemporary politics. But he has generally used his experience to avoid excessive direct criticism of the Government itself. Connolly, in particular, would to have to be judicious in her outspokenness. The presidency is a non-political office, so its authority has to be used carefully and wisely.
Kevin Rafter is full professor of political communication at DCU and editor (with John Coakley) of The Irish Presidency
