The social, economic and political integration of migrant workers is a pressing concern for us all, writes Ronaldo Munck
Kevin Myers (An Irishman's Diary, 25th May) writes that: "The present good relations and general harmony, are typical of the early days of immigration" but he sees this as only a "honeymoon period". Diversity policies lead to fundamentalism: "Jews are attacked in the streets of Antwerp by Islamic militants expressing their own form of diversity". Ahead of us lies the spectre of Rotterdam that "will shortly be the first European city with a racially and culturally non-indigenous majority". Diversity for him leads to murder and national identity surrender.
This is reactionary nonsense, but it also reflects the confusion in Ireland today over migration and multiculturalism. This is due in part to the novelty of the phenomenon but also to lack of political leadership.
The contradictory views on migration and migrants can be seen constantly. On the one hand, a recent Sunday Tribune/IMS poll found that "eight in 10 Irish people want restrictions on non-nationals". But it also found the same overwhelming proportion agreeing with the statement that: "It is good that children in Ireland today are growing up in a multicultural society."
Then we had the Minister responsible for overseas development making reference in the Dáil to "kebabs", referring to striking Turkish migrant workers. On the other hand, his Government launches a bold national action plan against racism, committed, among other things, to "recognition of the need for sensitivity and care in political discourse".
There are serious confusions around terminology explaining why people answering questions in terms of "non-nationals" inevitably come up with images of "bogus asylum seekers" and the like. I personally find it extremely odd, not to say demeaning, to be categorised as a non-national.
Maybe the little Irelanders could ponder the parallels between the way they conceive "non-nationals" and the way the "non-loyal" people of the North were treated by a sectarian state. The "cold house" that was Northern Ireland for nationalists may be forming here for immigrants. Migrants are, of course, nationals elsewhere and may even be "trans"-nationals with allegiance to more than one country. We "non-nationals" are not lesser people.
So what are the facts about migration? Will Europe become an Islamic continent as Myers fearfully suggests? Could the Irish become a minority in Ireland as some predict?
There are now 14 million third-country nationals living in the EU who represent 4 per cent of the population. Net migration into Europe is increasing, but we must recall that in countries such as Australia, more than 20 per cent of the population are born overseas without that having caused any serious problems.
The fact is, migrants bring significant economic, social and cultural benefits to all concerned. We are talking about flows here as many migrants return to their countries of origins with new skills and they send remittances that often are desperately needed. As to the host economy, all of the EU studies on the costs and benefits of diversity conclude categorically that diversity is "good for business", especially in the long term.
Ireland is (after Luxembourg) the EU country that will see the highest level of population increase, between now and 2050: from 4 million to almost 5½ million (source: Eurostat). Given that Irish fertility rates have declined by some 40 per cent since 1980 despite a recent rise, we can assume that a significant proportion of that 36 per cent population increase will be accounted for by migration flows.
But we must always bear in mind the multitude of reasons for arriving in Ireland: to set up businesses; to study; as part of internal company personnel movements; Irish returning from overseas; programme refugees, and a range of worker entry systems.
The Central Statistics Office has modelled two scenarios for labour force projections, depending on how long economic conditions remain favourable. With a strong economic performance we can expect an annual net inflow of 22,600 over the next 30 years (to 2036), but if growth moderates (as seems likely), the average annual net inflow will be about 11,000. This will hardly lead to "overcrowding" on the island or concerns over the "genetic pool" or "dilution" of the national identity.
Does anyone in Ireland, apart from Áine Ní Chonaill of the Immigration Control Platform, really want to go back to the days of the mono-cultural, mono-ethnic society?
Over the last five years, Ireland has become a country of significant inward migration rather than an exporter of its own people.
If we take even a cursory look at the Republic's hospitals, construction sites, hotels or food-processing plants we see a major internationalising of the labour force. It is economic necessity that has driven many companies to recruit workers and employees overseas.
The Government, in its current draft legislation on immigration and residence in Ireland, seeks to draw a strong line between "skilled" and "unskilled" labour, with the latter category to be reserved for workers from the accession countries.
In practice, no such hard and fast line can be drawn. But at least this legislation recognises that "a permanent migration system, if introduced, should be a system to select potential future citizens and not just a process of selecting workers".
This is the key issue for Ireland, to avoid the misguided and misleading German policy of creating a category of gastarbeiter - guest workers. As most employers now realise, they asked for workers and got people (sometimes even families).
The debate on social, economic and political integration of migrants is a critical one. No one argues today for a one-way process of "assimilation" and no one wants immigrant ghettoes. But, as John Haskins of the Reception and Integration Agency asked at a recent seminar: "What kind of flag do we want? What are Ireland's values?"
How can diversity be squared with common political values?
Myers is right to be sceptical about the platitudes around the "respect for diversity" theme that most often reflect a bland, patronising tolerance for others, whom we consider strangers, aliens or, in official parlance, non-nationals.
The answer though is not to reject diversity but to find more structured and sustainable forms of positive integration leading to new forms of citizenship appropriate to the era of globalisation.
None of the European nation-states set out to create a multicultural society, but it happened nevertheless, even if it is now unravelling for a series of reasons. In Ireland we have a unique opportunity to learn from the mistakes of others and try to be proactive. In today's increasingly internationalised world and growing interdependence, flows of people across national boundaries will inevitably increase.
Immigration is one of the key governance hot spots today, not least because it relates to debt and poverty as well as terrorism and war.
The recent general election in Britain saw an attempt by the Conservatives to play the race card but it failed abysmally. Politicians can legitimise racism through their own actions, hiding behind the often mistaken "racist public" argument, or they can lead in a positive way.
The future for all in Ireland depends on our collective ability to impose a zero-tolerance policy on racism and to foster an ability and willingness to learn to live with difference. How Ireland deals with the Gama workers and others in that type of situation will determine whether it becomes a cold house for migrants and their families.
Myers is correct to call for more open debate and dialogue, rather than hide behind cliches and pious aspirations (at odds with reality), even if his own scaremongering about Islam does him a disservice. We do not know enough about the make-up of the new communities, from statistical information through to attitudes and opinions, for example, towards the host society.
From my international perspective, I think a major problem in Ireland is the lack of dialogue, or linkage, between research and policymaking. Adopting current best practice in developing evidence-based policymaking practices is a prerequisite for more informed public debate. The issue of immigration is extremely complex, with global and regional dynamics at play, and it has ramifications in every sphere of Irish society and everyday life.
It is particularly challenging for policymakers and already many major employers are beginning to worry about the "day after tomorrow", when the economy is not quite so buoyant and diversity could turn into conflict over jobs.
Ireland is a huge beneficiary of economic internationalisation; maybe the country can lead in dealing with the internationalisation of labour flows. The time is now.
Prof Ronaldo Munck recently joined Dublin City University as theme leader for internationalisation, interculturalism and social develop- ment from the University of Liverpool where he was professor of sociology. He is an expert on globalisation, labour and social exclusion