“It’s not about me, it’s about the Irish people,” the Taoiseach Micheál Martin correctly observed during his recent television interview on The Late Late Show, when the conversation turned to the diplomatic intricacies of his upcoming White House visit.
Nonetheless, when Martin steps into the Oval Office on Wednesday, it will be about him. Throughout a jaw-dropping series of recent state visits to the White House, US president Donald Trump has demonstrated his willingness to roll with the mood and emotion in the room.
From his swooning over the musicality of Emmanuel Macron’s spoken French to his obvious delight at the letter from King Charles presented to him by Keir Starmer to the already notorious dressing down of Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the Oval Office 2025 has become a fascinating and volatile court.
Martin’s television sit-down coincided with the official St Patrick’s Day invitation from the White House. The Taoiseach brings with him decades of diplomatic experience and a political demeanour which might be classified under “affable cautiousness”. He has a cool temperament, which might just be required.
This is a different assignment to that facing previous taoisigh. When Leo Varadkar met president Joe Biden, the Oval Office meeting was akin to a private fireside chat, with the White House press pool and visiting media ushered in and out in jig-time. But Donald Trump’s preferred style is to sit in the epicentre of a busy room which will be crowded with, among others, members of the “new media” favoured by the White House press office. Indeed, the entire meeting is likely to be broadcast live.
One of the most outrageous moments of Zelenskiy’s torrid half-hour came when a reporter asked him if he “owned a suit”. So, in addition to navigating his way through a freewheeling meeting and communicating the key messages he wishes to convey to the Trump administration, Martin might expect one or two curveballs coming his way. In short, it won’t be dull.
“I think everything will be fine,” predicts John Feehery, who worked as a staff member for several Republican representatives on Capitol Hill before establishing himself as a prominent legislative strategist in the private sector in Washington.
“Trump represents a huge change. But the Irish know him. And there are great opportunities there too. The people who have dealt with him through his business operations really love Trump. So, there is a base there.
“Ireland has over the last several years gone completely woke and the Republicans are the anti-woke party. That makes it much more important that they redouble their diplomatic efforts, rediscover common ground and don’t lecture the American government on Gaza or on Ukraine. We don’t want to hear pontification from the Irish on any of those topics. We just want to find ways we can work together. And, Mr Martin just got there!
“In many ways he can say: it is not my fault. I think Trump will be gracious. But the Taoiseach needs to tone it down. Ireland has important trade issues, peace in Northern Ireland, and here they are getting mixed up in stuff that has nothing to do with them. I know it is for domestic politics, but ... you know.”
A year ago, the message Leo Varadkar imparted to the Biden administration on Gaza and Ukraine formed the centrepiece of the visit. Now, Micheál Martin finds himself the next head of state to visit the White House since the contentious Zelenskiy meeting.
Presenting Ireland’s – and the European Union’s – perspective to president Trump with sufficient diplomatic tact will be a key factor in the conversation.
“I would probably avoid anything with Israel and Gaza,” says Rachel Rizzo, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Europe Centre whose area of research revolves around European security and the transatlantic relationship.
“But with Ukraine, talking about what Ireland is doing to step up to the plate in supporting and continuing to support a ceasefire and a long-term peace plan that rests on the shoulders of the Europeans is a message that will play well of the White House. And is also indicative of the reality we are facing, which is that Europeans and Ukrainians can no longer rely on the US as they once did.”
Rizzo describes the recent stated realignment of US alliances, as vocalised not just by Trump but also vice-president JD Vance and defence secretary Pete Hegseth, as a “watershed moment” rather than something as violent as a rupture.
[ Micheál Martin should follow Macron’s playbook for handling TrumpOpens in new window ]
“It’s a frustrating moment because there are a lot of hinges a lot of us wanted to see happen but not in this way. There is a frustration coming to a head that the Trump administration has latched onto really well. Which is that the Europeans have been able to live these luxurious, socially-funded lives because they are able to rely on the US for their security. And I think that is a cartoonish representation of the reality.
“But there is an underlying feeling in Europe that when it comes to security and defence, it is the US they rely on. And that has made sense. But in this moment that underlying contract doesn’t make sense any more.”
That’s the prism through which anything the Taoiseach might state should be channelled. But as John Feehery argues, there is limited value in using up precious Oval Office minutes offering general foreign affairs positions.
While acknowledging that the embassy in Washington has cultivated genuine connections within the current Republican Party, he argues that GOP members as a whole believe Irish diplomatic and political sensibility has, over the recent decades, drifted towards a Democratic bias. There are countless Republicans with strong sentimental and ancestral connections to Ireland whom, he says, are awaiting a sign or phrase that that relationship matters.
“And the other big problem is that the Democrats are no longer the traditional Democratic Party. So, it is very difficult for Irish Americans who are, for instance, pro-life and have traditional Irish values to progress within the Democratic Party.
“Look at Robert Kennedy – from the most prominent Irish American family in America – has become a Republican. And there are a huge number of Irish Americans not only within the party but elected who really like Ireland and have a nostalgic attachment to it. They want to find ways to go back to Ireland and feel welcomed and comfortable and part of that is a charm offensive by the Irish embassy.”
Cute as the presentation of the traditional bowl of shamrock may be, it doesn’t quite pack the same punch as an invitation to a formal dinner at Buckingham Palace.
Despite the minor, contradictory accounts of the phone call between Tánaiste Simon Harris and secretary of state Marco Rubio on what was or was not said about the trade imbalance Ireland runs over the United States, the Taoiseach will press home the point that Ireland is the sixth biggest investor in the US.
The looming issue of tariffs, as well as Ireland’s controversial corporation tax and the trade surplus statistics that have triggered several members of the Trump negotiating team, are also obstacles to be cleared.
“Look I think there is a good story there for [Micheál Martin] to tell, especially with the tech sector in Ireland,” says Rachel Rizzo.
“And I also think there are lessons to be taken from the last couple of weeks. You can look at the Macron and Starmer visits and see what went right. It depends on how willing any leader is to come in with flattery and talking of the highlights of that specific relationship and how they are going to better it with investments and trades.
“It would really surprise me if he walked out of that visit saying: wow, that really didn’t go well.”
