Chancellor Olaf Scholz is facing growing pressure to step up Germany’s contribution to Ukraine’s military defence against Russia, in advance of an expected trip to Kyiv.
Mr Scholz will, according to unconfirmed military reports, join French president Emmanuel Macron and Italian prime minister Mario Draghi in the Ukrainian capital on Thursday. All three countries have faced criticism for being slow to deliver heavy artillery to Ukraine, but Berlin and Mr Scholz have faced the greatest Ukrainian ire.
In advance of the expected visit, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy told German public television that Berlin was “more delayed than some of our neighbouring countries when it comes to weapons deliveries, that is a fact”.
“From chancellor Scholz we need the certainty that Germany supports Ukraine,” he told ZDF television. “He and his government must decide.”
Nonfiction books to look out for in 2025: Leo Varadkar and Brenda Fricker memoirs among year’s most anticipated titles
Azerbaijan Airlines crash: Putin calls Kazakhstan’s president to express condolences, Kremlin says
Russia claims it stopped plot by Ukraine to kill high-ranking officer and war blogger
Ukraine’s second city takes Christmas underground for a third year
In Berlin, the SPD chancellor has faced similar criticism from his smaller coalition partners, the Greens and the liberal Free Democrats.
After a brief surge in the spring, however, German public support for such deliveries is now down to just over 40 per cent, amid fears of sparking an even-wider conflict.
Mr Scholz insists that Germany has responded quickly and generously to Ukraine, delivering ammunition and anti-tank weapons, but admits it will take time to deliver heavier equipment.
Until now the chancellor has declined to visit Ukraine, saying last month: “I’m not going to line up and become one of those people who’ll do anything for another quick photo op.”
Sorry not sorry: Merkel's Putin policy under the spotlight
For the first time since retiring, former chancellor of Germany Angela Merkel spoke out last week about how her government treated an increasingly aggressive Russia - treatment that is now under the spotlight. Derek Scally was there when Merkel spoke and tells Conor Pope about how she justified those decisions and whether her excuses stand up to scrutiny. In part two: what is the new chancellor Olaf Scholz saying and doing about Russia and the war in Ukraine?
Ukraine’s ambassador to Germany Andriy Melnyk, Berlin’s most vocal critic, urged Mr Scholz to use the visit to present “a new relief package of German arms” which should provide clarity on promised — but as yet undelivered — tanks and armoured vehicles.
Kyiv mayor Vitali Klitschko told Germany’s Bild tabloid that Berlin’s motivation should be Mr Putin’s ambitions, which he said extend far beyond Kyiv: “What we need from the three leaders of the most important countries are tougher support sanctions and weapons as quickly as possible.”
The nature and pace of Germany’s response has drawn criticism from many of its neighbours. Polish president Andrzej Duda attacked the chancellor, saying his private phone calls with Vladimir Putin “only legitimise a person responsible for the crimes committed by the Russian army in Ukraine”.
Estonian prime minister Kaja Kallas was equally blunt during a visit to Berlin in April: “We are 65 times smaller than Germany but have put forward six times more military assistance.”
Pressure is building, too, on senior regional allies of Mr Scholz in his ruling centre-left Social Democratic Party (SPD). Manuela Schwesig, SPD state premier of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in Germany’s northwest, stands accused of effectively conspiring with Gazprom to bypass EU and US sanctions to complete its Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline.
Though now completed, it was never awarded an operational permit by German authorities — and is unlikely to ever do so after the February 24th invasion.
Facing difficulties amid growing US and EU sanctions, Ms Schleswig’s government set up a state foundation, ostensibly with a focus on climate protection and youth education in the state.
In fact the foundation effectively operated as a front, signing off on at least €165 million in contracts with around 80 companies involved in completing the pipeline. They avoided sanctions they would have received from working directly for Gazprom by instead being paid via the foundation, with money originating with the Russian energy giant.
Among its more high-profile deals, the state foundation bought a ship and set it to work stabilising the sea bed for the pipeline in Danish coastal waters. The foundation head, Erwin Sellering — Ms Schwesig’s predecessor as state premier — has confirmed that this ship is now up for sale and that the purchase price is to be repaid to Gazprom.
